April 18, 1905

LIB

Wilfrid Laurier (Prime Minister; President of the Privy Council)

Liberal

Sir WILFRID LAURIER.

What are the returns in the Railway Department ?

Topic:   TRENT CANAL-DISMISSAL OF INSPECTOR RITCHIE.
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CON

George Eulas Foster

Conservative (1867-1942)

Mr. FOSTER.

They refer to the old rails taken up and new ones substituted, and the capital expenditure on the Drummond County's branch of the Intercolonial Railway- those two especially.

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ONTARIO FISHING REGULATIONS.

CON

Arthur Cyril Boyce

Conservative (1867-1942)

Mr. A. C. BOYCE.

Before the Orders of the Day are called, I would like to draw the attention of the Minister of Marine and Fisheries to an article which appeared in the Montreal ' Gazette ' of this morning, and also in the Toronto 'News' of last night, with reference to a conflict of jurisdiction in regard to fishing rights and fishing regulations between the Dominion and the province of Ontario. The article is under the heading ' Fishing Rights ' and is as follows :

The Fisheries Departments of the Ontario and Dominion governments have the making of a pretty war on their hands. While the province owTns the fish and controls the licenses the Dominion has the right to fix the length of the seasons. On the intercession of W. A. Charlton, the former Ontario Commissioner of Public Works, the season for fishing in that part of Lake Erie bordering upon Norfolk county was extended for twenty days after April 15, when it should have closed. When this was brought to his attention Hon. Dr. 1 Mr. FOSTER.

Rheaume, the present minister, telegraphed to the Ottawa department as follows : ' You will have to declare an extension of time for the entire province, or I shall rescind every license. It is equal rights to all, and special privileges to none for me.' A reply from Ottawa has not been received.

I would like to ask the minister what reply he has sent to that telegram from the Minister of Public Works of Ontario, if it has been received, and what policy he has inaugurated for future uniformity of action with regard to fishing regulations between the province and the Dominion. There should he no discrimination against or in favour of any one person or locality. As the Ontario Minister of Public Works pointed out, this is a case of equal rights to all and special privileges to none.

Topic:   ONTARIO FISHING REGULATIONS.
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LIB

Joseph Raymond Fournier Préfontaine (Minister of Marine and Fisheries)

Liberal

Hon. RAYMOND PREFONTAINE (Minister of Marine and Fisheries).

As soon as I arrived at my department this morning, having read in the * Gazette ' the item the hon. gentleman has mentioned, I inquired if such a telegram had been received in the department, and I was informed that it had not; so I could not answer a telegram that had not been received. With regard to the policy of the department in a matter of this kind, it depends on circumstances. Sometimes persons make application for an extension of the close season ; these applications are adjudicated upon, and sometimes they are granted and sometimes they are not granted. In this case I have not with me the petition that was presented for the extension, but I suppose that the reasons alleged were well-founded. I may mention that there are some fishing waters where there is no close season at all. It depends entirely upon the circumstances of the case.

Topic:   ONTARIO FISHING REGULATIONS.
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THE ICE-BREAKER 'MONTCALM.'

CON

George Eulas Foster

Conservative (1867-1942)

Mr. FOSTER.

While the minister is in an answering mood, he may give us some information in reference to that ice-breaker.

Topic:   THE ICE-BREAKER 'MONTCALM.'
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Mr. PREFONT AINE@

The ice-breaker is all right. She is anchored in clear water and communication is maintained with her by means of small boats, so that there is no danger at all to either the crew or the boat. An explanation of how the recent accident happened will appear in a report which I am getting from the captain. The facts are simply these. The ice-breaker broke the remnant of the ice bridge that had termed during the time she was out of work. About eight or nine hundred feet of ice remained unbroken. She went through that ice and broke it entirely. It created a movement of the whole body of ice which was lying on both sides of the channel, and that closed the channel so that the boat was unable to follow the ice and go back to Quebee. She remained behind and anchored in clear water. That vast mass of ice

Mocked again near the piers of the Quebec bridge, and it has remained there since. They hope to get through to-morrow.

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THE PEARY EXPEDITION.

IND

William Findlay Maclean

Independent Conservative

Mr. W. F. MACLEAN.

There is another question suggested by the statement just made. An Arctic expedition, that of Captain Peary, is about to be fitted out in Cape Breton, to go to the North Pole. Our interests in the Hudson bay are increasing more and more, and I think the government should take some steps to keep that expedition in their eye while it lasts, and to see that it is not merely a voyage of discovery in the interests of our neighbours to the south.

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LIB

Wilfrid Laurier (Prime Minister; President of the Privy Council)

Liberal

Sir WILFRID LAURIER.

We have a boat in the Arctic seas at this moment.

Topic:   THE PEARY EXPEDITION.
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IND

William Findlay Maclean

Independent Conservative

Mr. W. F. MACLEAN.

All right ; keep j our eye on the captain.

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INQUIRY FOR RETURNS.

CON

Herbert Brown Ames

Conservative (1867-1942)

Mr. AMES.

Can the Minister of Marine and Fisheries tell us when we may expect some returns which were asked for on the 13th February and the 20th of February with reference to the methods of purchasing supplies in the department ? [DOT]

Topic:   INQUIRY FOR RETURNS.
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LIB

Joseph Raymond Fournier Préfontaine (Minister of Marine and Fisheries)

Liberal

Mr. PREFONTAINE.

They must have escaped the attention of the Deputy Minister because I thought all the returns asked for had been placed before the House. If the lion gentleman will send me a note of those missing, I will inquire about them.

Topic:   INQUIRY FOR RETURNS.
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PROVINCIAL AUTONOMY IN THE NORTHWEST.


House resumed adjourned debate on the proposed motion of Sir Wilfrid Laurier for the second reading of Bill (No. 69) to establish and provide for the government of the province of Alberta, and the amendment of air. R. L. Borden thereto.


LIB

Frederick Andrew Laurence

Liberal

Mr. F. A. LAURENCE (Colchester).

Mr. Speaker* the hon. member for West Hastings (air. Porter), who immediately preceded me in the discussion of this Bill, indulged in an extended and somewhat involved legal argument, which I have no intention whatever of pursuing. Evidently it was quite satisfactory to him, and I would not be disposed, even if 1 could, to dispel that illusion. However, the hon. gentleman, in his introductory observations, took occasion to make certain charges. He charged the right hon. the Prime aiinister with inconsistency in his trade policy. The only answer, it seems to me, that one need make to that charge is to refer to the trade reports and statistics of this country during the past ten years, in which are signalized the pheno-minal and unparalleled success and development of Canadian trade during that period. He also charged the Prime Minister 151

with great inconsistency in his railway policy. Well, it seems to me that the railway policy of the government which was proclaimed only a year or two ago has received at the hands of the people, to whom it was submitted, an endorsement and approval unequalled in our history. My hon. friend had one other accusation to make and that was a charge of unfair conduct with respect to Lord Dundonald. But what were the facts hi that matter? Lord Dundonald, a servant of this government, was dismissed for insubordination or something very nearly akin to it, our hon. friends on the other side sought to dignify this 'incident' into one of the chief planks in their political platform at the last election, and the result was that the people simply laughed them to scorn.

When the House adjourned last night, Mr. Speaker, or rather this morning, I was endeavouring to call attention to the history of the legislation affecting the province of Manitoba, especially with regard to the subject of education, and also of the litigation which arose out of that legislation and the painful agitation which was the result. 1 had come to that stage of my remarks at which I had to take occasion to refer to the two conspicuous cases arising out of that legislation. The first case is that of the city of Winnipeg vs. Barrett. That case was instituted for the simple and sole purpose of determining one point, namely, 'did the School Act of Manitoba of 1890 prejudicially affect any right or privilege in respect of denominational schools, which any class of persons had by law or practice in Manitoba at the union?' There was, in my humble judgment, but one answer to that question. Nobody could say that the system of schools prevailing in Manitoba at the time of its union with Canada existed by law or was protected by law, and the decision of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council was that no right or privilege enjoyed by the minority at the time of the union was prejudicially affected. The Act of 1890, the Free School Act, which swept out of existence all trace of denominational schools in that province, did not prohibit or prevent Protestants or Catholics or anybody else from maintaining their own voluntary or denominational schools. They were perfectly free to maintain those schools from voluntary contributions from their own pockets as they had been doing at the union. The minority having failed in that suit, we had the other case in I6a4-Brophy vs. the Attorney General of Manitoba-in which the validity of the bylaws made under the Act of 1890, imposing assessments, was questioned on the ground that the Act of 1890 was ultra vires of the provincial legislature. It was decided by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council that that Act was not ultra vires ; but notwithstanding that, it was quite within the range of possibility that an Act, perfectly constitutional and valid, might yet

prejudice the rights of the minority in respect of their special denominational schools. Then, Sir, we had a series of questions submitted by the government of that day to the courts to determine that contention. Those questions were determined in the affirmative. This brings us down to the period of 1896, and it seems to me that the history of this legislation, the history of this litigation, the history of this unpleasant agitation in this country in connection with that legislation and litigation, furnishes us with both a lesson and a warning. It furnishes to the majority a lesson of conciliation and concession, and to the minority a lesson of warning against asserting too strongly and too determinedly their scruples or their rights in a country composed such as ours Is of two races and different creeds.

We come now to the Northwest Territories, with which we have more immediately to deal, and I find in 1875 there was a consolidation of the laws affecting that country. Chapter 49, 38 Victoria, section

11 introduces into that country, the same principle of separate schools as we find provided for in the British North America Act and as we find existing in other provinces. This legislatou was enacted, when Roman Catholics and Protestants in the Territories were probably about equal in number. Certainly it was adopted by this parliament almost without dissent, or objection, or question. It was accepted by the people of the Northwest loyally and lived up to with certain modifications-modifications possibly in the direction of minimizing the rights of the minority down to the present day. It substantially existed fpr thirty years and was lived up to by the people of the Northwest loyally and accepted by them harmoniously. This brings me to a stage in my address, where I desire to make my remarks as brief as possible, and where I feel compelled to refer more especially to the system of education which prevails In the Northwest Territories. We have had it described by two gentlemen who have addressed the House, one on either side ; and from the best examination I can make of that system in the ordinances of the Territories and from the reports of the superintendent of education for the Northwest Territories for the years, 1901-2-3, I think I can safely rely on the description given by the hon. the Finance Minister and the hon. member for St. Ann's division of Montreal.

For the sake of putting myself on record and to make myself clear, I will take the liberty of reading from the speech of the Finance Minister a citation describing the *educational system prevailing in the Northwest; and his description agrees with what I find to be the case myself from an examination of the subject. He says:

What then are the essential elements of national schools ? I take it for granted that if you have a school which Is established Mr. LAURENCE.

by the public authorities, if the management of the school derives all its authority and privileges from a regulation of the government of the state, if you have a system of schools under which the proper authorities of the state, or the province, or territory as the case may be, themselves specify the school books, establish the course of study, provide for the inspection of the schools and for the distribution of the money, if you have all those elements, then I say you have a system of state-created, state-managed and state-supported public schools. Every one of these conditions exists to-day in the public school system of the Northwest Territories. A member of the government of the Territories becomes commissioner of education and the powers of the commissioner are set forth in detail. I shall only read the clause under the heading of ' Regulations of the Department." These regulations are to he made by the commissioner himself, a member of the government, with the approval of the Governor in Council. Section 6 of chapter 29 says :

The commissioner, with the approval of the Lieutenant Governor in Council, shall have power :

1. To make regulations of the department-

(a) For the classification, organization, government, examination and inspection of all schools hereinbefore mentioned ;

(b) For the construction, furnishing and care of school buildings and the arrangement of school premises ;

(c) For the examination licensing and grading of teachers and for the examination of persons who may desire to enter professions or who may wish certificates of having completed courses of study in any school ;

(d) For a teacher's reading course and teachers' institutes and conventions ;

2. To authorize text and reference books for the use of the pupils and teachers in all schools hereinbefore mentioned as well as such maps, globes, charts and other apparatus or equipment as may be required for giving proper instruction in such schools ;

3. To prepare a list of books suitable for school libraries and to make regulations for the management of such libraries.

4. To make due provision for the training of teachers.

What is there, Sir, in all this to which anybody can take exception ? These details constitute the essential elements of a national school system. That system prevails to-day in the Northwest Territories, and that system we propose to continue by the legislation which we have presented in this House. Well, there is still a shadow of difference. The difference between a minority school and a majority school in the Northwest Territories is so exceedingly small that he who would attempt to make a definition of it would find himself in difficulty. The difference is with respect to one half hour's instruction in religious matters at the close of the school. The school laws of the Northwest Territories provide for religious instruction, not as a matter of obligation, but they empower the trustees to authorize religious instruction within a certain limit. That authority for religious Instruction is not confined to separate schools, it applies to all schools in the Territories. It is provided that wherever the trustees so wish, wherever the

local conditions permit, there shall be religious instruction in all schools in the Northwest Territories, not in the minority schools only. Then there is a further provision that all schools may be opened with the reciting of the Lord's Prayer.

That is the description of the schools which I find in the speech of the Minister of Finance. I will now take the liberty, Mr. Speaker, to read the description of the same schools given by the hon. member for St. Antoine division, Montreal (Mr. Ames). He says-:

Now we come to the consideration of the school system as w'e find it in the Canadian Northwest to-day and which it is proposed by statutory legislation to render permanent. In the first place we And that there exists the basic right of dissent, that where, in a community, there are Roman Catholic taxpayers, these taxpayers may unite and have a separate school. They may then elect Roman Catholic trustees and these Roman Catholic trustees may engage a Roman Catholic teacher. The Roman Catholic in the Canadian Northwest today, cannot be taxed twice and that is practically his only advantage. After the school has been constituted in the Canadian Northwest, it cannot deviate in any particular from the fixed national type. That school becomes immediately under the control of the government. There is a minister, or a commissioner of education and that commissioner of education is aided by a council, but mark you, that council is very different from the council of public instruction such as we know it in Quebec. There is a very great difference, because, as I said, our council passes regulations, looks after the administration of the schools and is very rarely in any way interfered with, but the council which exists in the Canadian Northwest is a purely advisory body. It has absolutely no right to vote. It can simply suggest, counsel, consider and make reports. It meets once a year and is simply a sort of expert advisory board to the government which may accept or reject the report submitted to it. The Northwest system as I said is completely under the control of the government. The Minister of Education is himself a member of the government, responsible to the legislature and to the people, and under him there exists a uniform system of national schools throughout the Canadian Northwest. We have one normal school and every one who would be certificated as a teacher must either pass one examination or go through that normal school. No teachers are permitted to teach in the Canadian Northwest unless they are duly certificated. It would be impossible for members of religious orders to teach in these schools as members of these orders. They may teach as teachers and cases are on record where certain of the nuns have been at considerable difficulty and trouble to pass through, the normal school at Regina just as every one else must do in order that they may he qualified by certificate to teach in the separate schools of the Canadian Northwest.

But the fact that they are nuns gives them no right to teach in the separate schools of the Canadian Northwest. The whole system is uniform. We have uniform certificates for teachers, uniform examinations, and uniform inspectorates all of which show that the system is a 151}

national system. In the matter of school books, we find that the same school books are used in all the schools with the exception of the first and second years in the elementary course.

This is the only deviation from the regular class books that are ordinarily employed throughout the schools in the Canadian Northwest.

Then, I come to the question of religious teaching which has so often been referred to in this House. It is permissible to open the school with the Lord's Prayer and it is also permissible after half-past three in the afternoon to have religious instruction. But that can only be given in case the parents themselves petition for it and the trustees consent to it. In such case a minister or priest may teach from half-past three to four o'clock, but, it is specially .provided that any scholar may absent himself from this teaching if his parents so desire, and also that any scholar who may be proficient in religious teaching shall not have his marks counted ito his advantage in the general total. We also find that the university which they have by recent legislation decided to establish in the Northwest shall be strictly non-sectarian in principle and that no religious dogma or creed shall be taught and no religious test shall be required of any student or other person, so that, as I have pointed out, the system in vogue in the Canadian Northwest is not only a non-sectarian system, but I might also say a system that is completely divorced from any religious teaching.

It seems to me, Sir that description warrants us in saying that the Northwest Territories to-day possess the ideal system of education as compared with any to be found elsewhere in the Dominion of Canada. I know of no province in our wide Dominion where there is a legalized system of education superior to that which I have just described from the speeches of these two hon. gentlemen and from my own investigation.

Now, I wish to apply some other tests to the quality and character of the educational system which prevails in the Northwest Territories, and to illustrate the extraordinary growth of education in that portion of Canada. In 1898, there were 509 schools. In 1904, just six years later, the number had more than doubled, having increased to 1,235. And yet we are informed that today there are really only twelve separate schools in the entire Northwest Territories, two of them being Protestant schools. All the schools, separate as well as public, have regularly and properly licensed teachers. We judge of the efficiency of the schools of a country by the curriculum that is taught in them and by the character of the teachers who teach in them. The curriculum of the public schools of the Northwest is of the highest type and equal, in point of standard, to that of any province in the Dominion. The efficiency and capability of the teachers is beyond question. There the salaries of teachers are the highest of any paid _ in Canada. The elementary teachers in_ the Territories receive from $40 to $45 a month for their services. In the province from which I come a teacher in a similar school can not earn more than

$25 or $30 per month. I wish to apply one other test to the efficiency of the system of education which prevails in the Northwest Territories-the amount of money that the people of the country-devote to the education of their children. Statistics tell us that in the district of Columbia, in which is the seat of government of the United States, the people pay the handsome sum of $44.59 for each child educated in the common school. In New York, the people pay $41.54 for each pupil. In Massachusetts, a state that is a pattern and example to almost every country in the world for the excellence and efficiency of its school system, the people spend $38.21 per capita of the children educated in the common school. In California, the amount is $36.87 ; in Illinois, $24.83 ; in Ontario, $18.41. In the province of Nova Scotia, where we think we have an admirable free-scliool system, the people pay $16.94 per head of the children educated in the common schools. But, Sir, in the Northwest Territories they pay more per head than in any of these states or provinces, actually paying the sum of $50.36 on the average for every child at school in that country.

Now, as I have said, this system of education has been in operation in the Northwest Territories for thirty years. For thirty years, Mr. Speaker, this legislation has continued. for thirty years this principle has controlled the educational system of the Northwest. And, in that time, there has been no dissent, no agitation, no cry of injustice to any class or any creed. For thirty years the scruples and the consciences of all classes have been respected. For thirty years, peace, harmony, tolerance, liberality and equality-a free conscience and no coercion-have prevailed. For thirty years

there has been no agitation or attempt to set creed against creed or race against race. For thirty years this great country has gone on developing and expanding, peace and harmony prevailing under the influence of just laws and good institutions. We have had thirty years of freedom, on this question, from the agitation of the disturbing demagogue or the scheming politician. For thirty years no protests, no resolutions, no petitions or counter-petitions have come to this parliament against the existing system of education in the Northwest Territories.

But the time has come, Sir, in the development in this part of our Dominion, when we must acknowledge the coming of age of these young provinces in the Northwest, and when they must receive at the hands of this parliament their final measure of statehood, *ftihappily, now as in the past, this question of education in the common schools of our country with its attendant claims of religious teaching and all its disturbing contentions about the duty of the state, the separation of church and state, and provincial rights, largely, in my humble judg-

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LIB

Frederick Andrew Laurence

Liberal

Mr. LAURENCE.

ment, due to bigotry and religious intolerance, intrude themselves again upon us and must be dealt with.

And now there is presented again an attempt to plunge this country into strife and heart-burnings over this question, but an attempt, Sir, which I think will prove absolutely futile. We have before us in the Bill presented for our consideration a clear, distinct and unequivocal declaration of policy involving the continuance and perpetuation of the existing school system which I have endeavoured to describe as it exists in the Northwest Territories, the continuance and perpetuation of an educational system which has met the wants and has adapted itself to the wishes, the spirit and the genius of an intelligent and progressive community and a contented and happy people, the continuance and perpetuation of a system of education which is completely national and non-sectarian in its essential features, the continuance and perpetuation of a school system which has in it so little of the denominational or sectarian element as to be barely acceptable to our Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen, so little indeed that the hon. member for Jacques Cartier (Mr. Monk) may well declare that it contains but a 'shred of the just rights due to the minority.' I myself am of the majority, and as one of that majority I confess that scant justice is in this case being meted out to the minority. It is not that measure of justice which Edward Blake declared to be due from the majority to the minority, 'a measure not simply heaped up, but running over.' If this Bill now under the consideration of parliament be a compromise grounded on political and public expediency, it is to the credit and praise of the minority that they have made the greatest concessions and yielded up the largest share of their cherished convictions in order to secure an enduring and permanent settlement of this question. The government proposition is distinctly the continuance and perpetuation of a school system which has in it the cardinal elements of freedom, the elements of efficiency and the elements of patriotism and healthy nationality, yet recognizing the convictions of those who claim and perhaps rightly claim that religious and secular education should to some extent at least go hand in hand. The Bill before the House involves the continuance and perpetuation of an educational system which, while guarding fully and completely the best educational interests of the whole people, is jealous of the religious convictions of the minority. It involves, as I understand it, the continuance and perpetuation of a school system based upon just principles, fair play and justice, at least in the greatest measure, to all. It involves the continuance and perpetuation of the only scheme of education in our country which we can hope to be enduring and permanent, and which is most likely to put an end, I hope, for ever to the shameful, painful, dangerous and needless agitation we

have been witnessing under organized provocation during the last six weeks, but which will, in my humble judgment, pass away so that nothing of that agitation will remain save the discredit it shall have brought upon its authors. It involves the management, the continuance and perpetuation of an educational system under which our Northwest has been settled, immigration invited, money invested in homes built up-Some weeks before the Prime Minister introduced this measure to parliament the Canadian correspondent of the Boston 'Transcript,' wrote an article in his paper, some extracts from which I propose to read to the House. He seems to have an accurate knowledge not only of the conditions prevailing in this country, but of the agitation which was then, according to his judgment, about to be sprung on this country over this question. In that article, which was written before this Bill was introduced into parliament, he says :

To-day a certain element of Ontario seems desirous that the separate school system already existing in the Territories shall not he orovided for in the Ottawa legislation giving the new provinces form. There is every sign that the Protestant horse of Ontario is to run once more. The question of the hour is : will his threatened re-appearance scare Sir Wilfrid Laurier from the path of toleration and liberalism ? It seems unlikely. He is not timid, and Canada is under obligation, even an express obligation, to maintain the Territorial creed minority in existing rights.

A large number of Catholics, many of them Germans and many of these wealthy, moved recently into the Territories from the United States. Their principal men told me last year at Rosthern that one of their main motives for that change was found in the separate school [DOT]system of the Territories. They had been virtually promised the benefit and continuance of these laws. Public faith would be broken with them were their children or merely their taxes handed over to the administration of the creed majority. They would then be returned, after having incurred large expenses and made large investments on Canada's good faith, to the very same school situation whence they escaped.

It may astonish Massachusetts Protestants to learn that these Germans, most of them most intelligent, and their chief spokesman a native [DOT]of America and a Harvard post-graduate in .philosophy, voiced a deep fear of the public schools of the states whence they had come.

The Ontario gentlemen now currying down the Protestant horse for the coming run against toleration, in case Sir Wilfrid mounts that good Liberal nag, makes much of allegations that the Confederation Act, or constitution of Canada, places the direction of public education in the old provinces ; wherefore they argue that its direction should be left to the new provinces. But the provincial powers in respect of education are limited in the Confederation Act by the proviso that every creed minority shall retain the right to separate schools which it possessed before entering confederation. That secured the minorities in Ontario and Quebec. The minority in Manitoba was entitled to believe that the analogy had been followed in the Act by which they entered the union. In fact, the highest court of

the empire has declared that that Act did or was intended to so secure them. It was violated by the provincial legislature of Manitoba.

Every transaction by the Canadian and imperial authorities, in respect of provincial educational powers, goes to support the opinion that those powers must be limited by provision for separate schools wherever a creed minority enjoyed them previous to being affected by the creation of a province. Such limitation is artfully spoken of as ' burdening the provinces with separate schools." Blessing them would, many Liberals believe, be the appropriate term. There can be no burden to any minority schools. There must necessarily be a burden of intolerant and oppressive conduct on any Canadian majority that denies a conscientious minority the plain right of devoting their own money to their own schools. To limit the majority so that their most intolerant element, always powerful among sectarians of any church, cannot exacerbate the creed minority by injustice, would seem an evident blessing to all concerned.

The pretense that the new provinces would be ' burdened ' by the usual Canadian provisos for separate schools is really claptrap, employed to blind Liberals to the underlying desire to throw the minority on the mercy of the majority. Edward Blake, a man and a Liberal really great, once said : ' What a majority owes to a minority is a full measure of justice, heaped up 'and running over.'

It will be strange if Sir Wilfrid Laurier and the majority of Ottawa shall give less to the minority in the Territories.

All Christians should have, if they do not have, the conscientious conviction that Christianity in all its virtues should be inculcated at one and the same time while material education is imparted. God's handiwork and His teachings should be the mainspring to the mind, and the spiritual welfare of the child is paramount to the temporal welfare. With proper arrangement, the one can be insured with the other. The iife of the nation is involved in respecting the conscientious scruples of all Christians.

We have seen in my native province occasionally, the appearance of something which I fancy represented the creature which this writer describes as the Ontario Protestant horse. But, long since he has become emaciated and worn out, and has been cast aside into the political scrap heap down in Nova Scotia.

We have by law in Nova Scotia absolutely noil-sectarian schools, and yet, Sir, in that province the spirit of fair-play respects the convictions of the minority, and has so bent the law in its administration that a modus

, vivendi has been created enabling the different creeds to live together harmoniously. In reality we have a more distinct and unmistakable system of separate schools so called existing in Nova Scotia outside of and in spite of the law of the province, than there is to-day existing in the Northwest Territories within and under the law.

Now, I have stated my view of the government Bill ; what have we in the amendment of the opposition '! I should not say ' the amendment of the opposition ' for there is no amendment ' of the opposition '

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Some hon. MEMBERS

Go on.

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April 18, 1905