Address be presented to His Excellency the Governor General, to offer the thanks of this House to His Excellency for the gracious speech *which he has been pleased to make to both Houses of Parliament. He said
Mr. Speaker, in rising to move the Address I desire to express my appreciation of the privilege afforded me of participating in the discussion of matters so vital as those which will be under review during the present session.
The speech from the Throne is memorable alike for its brevity and the special features which give it its real character and significance. We are gathered here in Special Session mainly to consider and to ratify, as the representatives of the Canadian people, the Treaty of Peace, the signing of which on June 28 last at Versailles brought to an end the most terrible and cruel war in history.
But before making any further reference to this duty which lies before us, I desire to refer to what has already been so appropriately brought to our attention, viz: the presence in this country of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales. That he has already won the genuine esteem and affectionate regard of our pebple in those communities fortunately honoured by his visit, is so apparent that we are accepting it with unqualified satisfaction and delight.
That his coming is most timely all will agree. Following across the Atlantic many of those with whom he had been associated on the Western Front and by whom he was considered a most worthy comrade, his visit makes possible the further friendships and the maturing of the understandings which are mutually helpful and important at the present hour. The new world adventured forth in time of war and joined the old in common cause, and in doing so found across the seas common ideals, institutions and ruling sentiments; now the old land, by its representative, fares forth in time of peace, and there is soon discovered by him common ideals, institutions andi sentiments among the people with whom for a time he associates himself. We were in reality but new-world Britons over there; he is in reality but an old-country Canadian here. It is probably not going too far to say that more than any other the present royal visitor has caught the Canadian spirit and so is best able to interpret to us the deeper meaning of the essential British spirit.
But there is something more than this. The Prince of Wales in Canada to-day is interpreting, perhaps unconsciously to him-
self, the significance and advantage of British traditions and institutions, and this copies at a time when Canadians are more conscious than ever before of their own nationhood and possible destiny. Significant indeed, is it not, that so full a response should be given by 'such democratic people to such a democratic Prince, himself the product of the most democratic Empire the world ha-s ever known?
We in Canada do well not to forget that we are heirs as well as conquering pioneers and that to-morrow as well as yesterday we shall find a complete freedom and a complete national life most easily possible with an ever rejuvenated mother and constantly developing sisters in the great Britannic family of nations. The meaning for both stability and progress in our growing Canadian life of the debt we owe to the past, our connections in the present, and our possible alliances in the future, cannot be over valued. We do well to move with steady steps in all the advance that is made in the coming days.
This will doubtless be known in coming years as the "Peace Treaty Session." Copies of the Treaty of Peace between the Allied and Associated Powers and Germany are now before us. It is for us to consider intelligently and with as broad an outlook as we can command the essential items in this great document. Already we have learned from the press its more important features. Making peace is a stern business, -and of necessity there are in this Treaty stern requirements. When we recall the methods and the madness of the enemy we will not fail to realize that severe treatment is not only natural but right.
My task to-day does not include reference to special articles or sections. The Prime Minister will undoubtedly condense and interpret for us the outstanding parts of the Treaty.
However, I would like to emphasize in a general way the meaning of this Treaty for the world and for Canada. It marks the guaranteed end of the most terrible war the world has known. Devastation, destruction and death have been so common for five years that we can scarcely realize they are no longer with us. Freedom, Right, Civilization itself, were about to be destroyed. This document says they are to continue. The weak and the small were about to be thrown to the wolves; this Treaty says they will have a chance to survive among the fittest. The safety of the eWorld is once more made secure. Permanent peace is made possible in this Treaty by the
special covenant of the League of Nations. Provision for this league is the result of the most earnest efforts ever made to win a lasting peace. It is the expression primarily of the best thought of the leading minds of Euglish-speaking statomen. Many of us here have looked for the perfecting of some such plan. While its every detail may not command a perfectly unanimous assent, the central idea must have our undivided endorsation and continued support. *
The very fact that the Canadian Parliament is considering this Peace Treaty is itself an evidence that another stage in the fuller development of national life has been reached; and while many influences have been working to this end we do well not to forget the important part played by our own Prime Minister in realizing much of the progress made in this direction.
The war is over. Victory was hard to win, but as the grand " old Tiger of France" has put it, " It is harder to win peace than to win war." May Canadians never be behind in performing their full share in order that an unbroken peace for the world may be realized.
The labours of war are over; the settling of peace is well nigh accomplished, but as the speech from the Throne suggests, the painful work of reconstruction is just begun. In some respects by far the most difficult task is the one now committed to our hands. Are we to fail in the undertaking, or are we once more to be among the victors? It depends upon the decisions now reached, and enterprises undertaken by the Canadian people themselves. If we enter upon "the piping times of peace'' merely with a view to making the new era one of barbarously splendid material prosperity we will undoubtedly lose. If, on the other hand, we take up the labours of reconstruction as a necessary part of the renewing and rebuilding not only of our own country but of the whole world, we must just as surely win.
David Lloyd George has said that one of the real aims of the war has been to " get a new world." We need to get. a new Canada, rightly set in a new world. If this is to be realized there must be a larger recognition of the strength there is in unity of spirit, inflexibility of purpose, and loftiness of national and individual aim. If these were so readily possible in war, why not in times of peace? Our people responded nobly in a thousand ways. A wonderful willingness to co-operate possessed ns. Unflinching determination that the right
should conquer held us steadily to our job. Surely this can continue now that the war is over, and yet it will be more difficult to secure in a continued way in times of peace and of new prosperity than during the trying period when the foe was ready to leap upon us.
If we are to carry on the rebuilding of the nation we must in some way secure not only the rights of those who have been deprived of them in large measure hitherto, but there must also be a wider recognition of right as necessarily regnant in every relationship that exists throughout the entire Dominion.
The present class consciousness which characterizes much of our Canadian life at the present time is but the product of causes definite though complex, and very naturally does it emphasize its rights and its claims. But I dare to predict, Sir, that the coming corporate national consciousness will be more mindful of the rights of all for the sake of all than ever in the past of our nation's history. Industrial unrest will not give way to better conditions until this is so. There must be a coming together of all parties concerned, a better understanding of each other, and a greater willingness on the part of each to give place to the simple claims of the other group. But this end will not accomplish what is needed, nor will it ever come to stay, until there is a larger appreciation of the dominance which righteousness should have in all that we now call our Canadian life. Let drastic legislation be enforced to stop profiteering and to secure fairplay all round. But, at the same time, let there be a rapid and widespread acceptance of those splendid ideals and virtues for the perpetuation of which sixty thousand Canadians laid down their lives. Let those ideals and virtues permeate the lives of those who are now going to live for Canada, just as they permeated the lives of those who have died for us. They sacrificed their all in order that law might of natural consequence not only be enacted but kept as the'very expression of our national conception of life, and that truth and justice might prevail in our land. Further, Mr. Speaker, I think it is implied in the speech of His Excellency that if the task of reconstruction is to be well done, there is need for a truer understanding between the different sections of Canada. Provincial boundaries are a convenient device, and they have their interesting historic associations; but Chinese walls are antiquated, and, indeed, are but the evidence of fear, suspicion' or intolerance. Let there