Hon. R. B. HANSON (Leader of the Opposition) :

Mr. Speaker, I desire to make a

brief statement and to base thereon a question to the Prime Minister (Mr. Mackenzie King). I regret exceedingly that the matter was brought to my attention so late that I could not apprise him of the subject matter, and if that is embarrassing or inconvenient I should not expect an immediate answer.

It is reported to me by the press that the president of the United States has stated that Great Britain and Canada will get one-half of the flying fortresses and other fighting planes, arms and munitions produced in the United States. I would ask the Prime Minister if this report has come to his attention, and if so, has he any statement to make on behalf of the government with respect to it?

Right Hon. W. L. MACKENZIE KING (Prime Minister):

May I say to my hon.

friend that what he has just read is the first intimation I have had of any such report.

Mr. J. R. MacNICOL (Davenport):

Before the orders of the day are called, may I ask 14873-li

the Prime Minister (Mr. Mackenzie King) if an agreement has been made with the United States with reference to the diversion of certain rivers in northern Ontario, namely the Ogoki and the Kenogami; and if so, has the agreement been tabled; and if not, is he in a position to advise us when it will be?

Right Hon. W. L. MACKENZIE KING (Prime Minister):

I shall be glad to lay on

the table on Tuesday the communications recently exchanged between the United States and Canada as related to the development of power on the international rapids section of the St. Lawrence, and as respects the diversion of the Ogoki and other waters of the north into lake Superior. There has been an exchange of communications on the subject.

Mr. BROOKE CLAXTON (St. Lawrence-St. George) moved:

That the following address be presented to His Excellency the Governor General of

Canada:

To His Excellency the Right Honourable Earl of Athlone, Knight of Our Most Noble Order of the Garter, a member of Our Most Honourable Privy Council, Knight Grand Cross of Our Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Grand Master of Our Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael and Saint George, Governor General and Commander in Chief of Our Dominion of Canada.

May it Please Your Excellency:

We, His Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the House of Commons of Canada, in parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Excellency for the gracious Speech which Your Excellency has addressed to both houses of parliament.

He said: Mr. Speaker, in rising to present this motion I realize that a heavy responsibility rests on me at this momentous time.

I must first acknowledge the honour paid to the constituency of St. Lawrence-St. George. The honour recognizes the importance of the division in the life of Canada. Everyone in this house is already familiar with its many interests and advantages. The division is a true reflection of the complex character of Canadian life. Although its citizens are predominantly of English or French descent, it is interesting to note that during the national registration one office registered people speaking no less than twenty-two languages.

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The division also reflects our troubled times. McGill university has given hospitality to the international labour organization. I feel that hon. members, and indeed all Canadians, will share our satisfaction that we have been privileged to welcome this great institution. All of us hope that the time may not be far distant when in a wider field it can resume its work for the good of humanity. That will come when the world has been freed from the cancerous growth of Hitlerism, sprawling over Europe, causing more suffering than has ever been caused before.

I feel I correctly interpret the interests and views of St. Lawrence-St. George when I say that we seek no local interest, we want no personal advantage, we are not interested in partisan politics. Every true Canadian feels the same to-day. We seek the welfare of Canada and of every part of it. We are as much concerned in the prosperity of the wheat farmer on the plains and of the fisherman on our coasts as in that of our own workers. We join with all others in seeking the defence and security of our own country. This means that to-day we should do everything in our power to aid Britain in her fight on our front line. The courage and fortitude displayed by her men and women have won the admiration of the world.

The greatest things are of the spirit. You cannot see or touch or hear them. In fact you can hardly describe or express them. They are things which take place in the minds and souls of people. In all recorded history there are few greater examples of this than the spirit which has arisen among the people of Great Britain in recent months. It is the spirit of Britain, revealed anew in the miracle of Dunkirk, and reaffirmed each day by the ordinary citizen's attitude to the worst the enemy can do. Men will talk of this as long as there is history, long after everyone has forgotten gains or losses of territory and power.

In Canada we admire the spirit that has gripped the people of Britain. We give

thanks that it has stopped the onward rush toward us of the evil forces loosed in Europe.

Next to Britain, Canada is the strongest power facing the enemy to-day. The speech from the throne is a reminder to parliament and the country of just how huge our national assignment is. The government is leading the country in a stupendous effort. We know much of what has been done and what is under way. We are waiting to hear more from the government as the session proceeds. We know of the immense expansion of our forces. To the three services, over 200,000 Canadians have streamed from the farms

and mines, the factories and offices, the universities and the professions to answer the call that they heard in their own hearts. They are as fine men as the world has ever seen. Their number has doubled since this parliament met six months ago. More than two divisions are in England in the front line. From all sides we hear that they are fit and trained, ready to maintain the high traditions of the Canadian corps.

At sea we now have twelve destroyers and more than 100 other vessels taking a major part in convoying the stream of supplies and food we are steadily sending across the seas. Every one of us is proud of what the Canadian navy has done in its far-flung operations. Not long ago the Prince Robert captured a German vessel in the Pacific and took it as a prize to Esquimalt.

Mr. HANSON (York-Sunbury):

An armed merchantman.

Mr. CLAXTON:

Yes. But there is unfortunately the dark side. We learned with sadness of the loss of the Margaree with its gallant commanding officer and so many of its brave officers and men. To their mothers and wives no words can express our sympathy. We can share their pride; we cannot share their sorrow. These men are a noble example to us all. They gave their lives in the service of our country.

We hear of the immense progress being made in the air training plan, which the new Secretary of State for the Dominions, Lord Cranborne, said a few days ago "is months ahead of schedule." The country is beginning to appreciate its magnitude, its complexity and its importance. It may be a vital factor in victory. At Winnipeg, Toronto, London, Ottawa, Montreal, to my knowledge, and I dare say at every other Canadian city, the roaring hornets of the Minister of National Defence for Air (Mr. Power) insistently remind us that his boys are at work from early dawn to starry eve, nights, Sundays and holidays as well. We need have no fear about the quality of our fliers. The record of the Royal Canadian Air Force abroad has already shown that they can equal the record of Canadian airmen in the last war. Nothing better can be said than that.

We know, too, of the progress in the production of war materials and of the new establishments under construction. It is estimated that these will produce munitions having in annual value the colossal sum of $800,000,000. Our workers, counted now by the hundreds of thousands, form a great working party whose contributions are as vital to the fighting forces of Canada as those of the men in uniform. These workers have

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responded with splendid resource and willing industry to the heavy demands made on them. They are playing their full part.

To gear the resources of a country like Canada to make the utmost effort takes time. Each new undertaking creates new problems. Inevitably there have been delays and difficulties. Inevitably there will be shortcomings, mistakes, disappointments. Our supplies of men and resources are by no means unlimited. Even if we had unlimited money we could not buy things which do not exist. We must avoid the danger of dissipating our efforts, spreading ourselves too thin. This war is not like the last war. The Germans have probably less than one-third the men under arms they and their allies then had.

What we do and what we are going to do require long-term planning. The conflicting demands of the armed forces and of industry upon our limited man-power have to be resolved. Priorities must be established. We are already training many workers; we shall have to train more. We might start in now with an additional 100,000 men and an additional 100,000 women and find, a year from now, that we had not trained half enough.

The immense job of getting our war machine under way has been done with little or no dislocation of our day to day economy. This is not due simply to accident. National finance, the control of prices and the supply of raw materials are among the many services that have been superbly handled. I know that bankers like to remain as anonymous as they are inscrutable, but it is only fair to say that the Canadian economy could not have been transformed smoothly from a peacetime to a war basis without the technical skill of the Bank of Canada.

The financial burden is great and it is becoming even greater. People have not yet begun to realize what it means. If the estimated economies on ordinary account of $50,000,000 are realized this year, the government's ordinary expenditure will be about $450,000,000. The Minister of Finance (Mr. Ilsley) has estimated that the war cost for this first year may amount to $940,000,000. That is about twice the cost of the final year of the last war and more than twice the peace-time budget. We hope to meet two-thirds of all our expenditures this year out of taxes and one-third out of internal loans that have already been made.

Last week I was in the United States describing what we were doing, and I found that its magnitude impressed people, even those who were accustomed to the astronomical figures that they deal with in that country.

We have gone through the period of initial expansion, of new taxes, new loans and greatly increased production. It all seems to have worked out as planned in the war budgets which won the admiration of every one. It is now becoming evident that we are not going to be able to produce all the war materials that we shall need unless we restrict the consumption of articles which divert work or materials from war purposes. The diversion from private consumption to public use is a puzzling question to the individual, but the time is coming when the government will have to show the ordinary citizen where his duty lies in this respect. No more will be needed than that.

The experience of the second war loan campaign showed that when the people realized what was expected of them there was no lack of response. The fact is that while we have supported national participation we are only beginning to translate national sentiment into personal action. Few of us have yet begun to give up things we like, still less things we think we need. Unless we also tighten our belts, our effort will fall short of what is necessary to stop the nazis. We must consume less, save more and steadily invest in war savings certificates and war loans.

In Canada many of the essentials of war production do not exist in sufficient quantities. Machine tools are one example. We must get them from the United States and we must pay for them in United States dollars. I understand that in the first year of war we spent in the United States $220,000,000 more than we spent the previous year. Disregarding anything from Britain, the balance of payments against us may well run to a figure of $160,000,000. We may in part offset even larger balances to come by further increasing our exports, or by decreasing our imports of United States goods for civilian purposes. But the best way, as far as it goes, is to increase our tourist trade. With the increased friendly interest in Canada being shown in the United States I believe this can be done. It can be done if the Canadian people are made to realize its importance, and if all the agencies which can help to promote it are fully mobilized. I hope that the government will see its way clear to spend not less than a million dollars on the encouragement of this business. It would not only bring dividends of badly needed United States dollars but also mean the continuance and strengthening of normal friendly relations with our good neighbour; for the tourist trade is not only a sinew of war, it is a tie of friendship. It is a great human industry, a moving belt of common understanding

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running north and south, all the way along the line between the Pacific and the Atlantic seaboards.

And our relations with the United States are to-day more important than ever before. While we are helping Britain and defending ourselves on the front line we are also playing our part by joining with the United States in the defence of our heritage and our way of life on this continent.

The setting up of a permanent joint board on defence was the most momentous, the most heartening step ever taken in the relations between Canada and the United States. Now that the step has been taken we realize that since we have a common interest it is only common sense that we should cooperate in making the best use of our resources of men and materials, and should have a joint plan of defence. Some governments might have sat back and drifted along, letting the opportunity go by of achieving this great stroke for our country's welfare. By their actions the governments of the United States and Canada showed that democracies can act together decisively; they gave a great demonstration of leadership and proved that we have not outgrown the tradition of treating new situations as soluble problems.

The announcement came as a surprise to Canada no less than to the United States or England, but it was received on all sides with acclaim because it was such plain common sense. That is what a policy requiring initiative and daring always appears to be when it has been successfully carried out.

In Canada there were a few people-just a handful-who, not wishing or not daring to oppose the agreement, took refuge in complaining of the way in which it was made, or of the people who had made it. In England it was acclaimed at once, without these local qualifications. It was realized there that it helped Britain when she most needed aid. It was realized that it was not just a coincidence that joint defence, bases and destroyers were dealt with in a couple of weeks. It was realized too that our Prime Minister (Mr. Mackenzie King) had played a leading part in bringing about this, the greatest act of cooperation among English speaking peoples since the war of independence. Here is what a writer in the London Spectator said, in the issue of September 6:

A Canadian soldier to whom I gave a lift on Sunday reminded me of something I ought to have commented on before, the extent of the debt that the whole commonwealth owes to Mr. Mackenzie King, the Prime Minister of Canada, for the part he has played in cementing relations between the commonwealth and the United States. At earlier stages in his parliamentary career Mr. King has been

IMr. Claxton.]

bitterly criticized by his opponents for what was regarded as his too "pro-American" attitude. The harvest that attitude, so far as it existed, is bearing now is such as to close all cavillers' mouths. Canada seems always destined to be the link and the interpreter between Great Britain and the United States, and it has never filled that role more effectively or more valuably than to-day. That is due in no small measure to the personal friendship between the Canadian Prime Minister and the American president which rids contacts between them, whether by telephone or in the flesh, of every vestige of formality.

As far as I have read it, the English press was unanimous to tJhe same effect. Some of it went much further.

The concluding sentence of the passage I read explains the feeling that some Americans had that some Canadians might prefer the reelection of President Roosevelt. We certainly congratulate him most heartily on his reelection. But we would equally have congratulated Mr. Willkie and ourselves had he been favoured by the electors; for, despite the temptations of a political campaign., there seemed to us to be no fundamental difference in the declared policies of the two candidates so far as they affected us. They wanted to give all aid to Britain short of war, and that seems to be the view of the great majority of the people of the United States.

We are grateful from the bottom of our hearts for what the United States is doing.

A few days after the announcement of the exchange of destroyers for bases, the following telegram was sent by Mr. Churchill to the Prime Minister, on September 13:

I am touched by the personal kindness of your telegram and all our people are cheered and fortified to feel that Canada is with the mother country heart and soul. The fine Canadian divisions which are standing on guard with us will play a notable part should the enemy succeed in setting foot on our shores. I am very glad to have this opportunity of thanking you personally for all you have done for the common cause and especially in promoting the harmony of sentiment throughout the new world. This deep understanding will be a dominant factor in the rescue of Europe from a relapse into the dark ages.

On behalf of the government and people of the United Kingdom I send you heartfelt thanks for your memorable message.

Canada has not only helped Britain by promoting harmony of sentiment on this continent, but that very harmony, by strengthening Canada, has increased her own capacity to help Britain.

Think now of what has happened at home. Canada entered the war united, and the way in which we entered the war, by a separate declaration, was of the utmost importance in securing the unity which resulted. It was important in Canada among those people who put Canada first; it was important in the

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United States, as showing that Canada, a north American nation, had seen fit to enter the war of its own accord. Since we entered the war, that unity of the Canadian people has steadily strengthened, by reason of the increasing realization by all Canadians of their essential unity and of their essential interest in defeating Hitler in Europe.

In a message issued on St. Jean Baptiste day the Prime Minister said:

The tragic fate of France leaves to French Canada the duty of upholding the tradition of French culture and civilization and the French passion for liberty in the world. This new responsibility will, I believe, be accepted proudly.

It has been accepted proudly, Mr. Speaker. French Canada yields place to no one in its loyalty to this country. To-day we are glad to think that there are twenty-one members of this house in military service of one kind or another. We congratulate them, we envy them, and we wish them good fortune. We are proud to say that of the twenty-one, seven are French Canadians from the province of Quebec. No Canadian will ever forget the part played in achieving this unity on October 25 by the right hon. Minister of Justice (Mr. Lapointe). Is there a member here who doubts that this was a victory for the true spirit of Quebec? Since then Mr. Godbout, the premier of Quebec, has stood loyally for its best traditions. His Eminence the Cardinal and His Excellency the Archbishop of Montreal also have raised their voices in support of Canada's cause.

I am glad to be the first to congratulate the government on the appointment of a new senator, Hon. Mercier Gouin. Incidentally this makes five senators who live in the constituency of St. Lawrence-St. George. Senator Gouin is the son of a man who rendered great service to Quebec and to Canada, but he has earned this honour in his own right. Without lessening his proud attachment to his own people he has worked night and day to promote harmony between both races and for the welfare of Canada. His appointment will give the utmost satisfaction throughout Quebec and the whole country.

The English-speaking citizens of Canada should appreciate how difficult some of us make it for French-Canadians to have a loyalty to alll of Canada. I should like to try to explain what I mean. Some people in Canada voice a kind of loyalty which, by definition, no Canadian of non-British descent can share. In being more British than the English, they astonish the English, but tend to drive Canadians of other origins, sometimes back to their ancient affiliations and sometimes to a local loyalty. If some of us

have a feeling about Canada which French-Canadians cannot share, is it surprising that some French-Canadians should also have a loyalty which is exclusive, a loyalty to their own province and their own race? After all, too, they have been here for some two hundred and fifty years before confederation.

The one common ground on which all Canadians can meet is a common loyalty to Canada. If this country is to be as strong as it can be, it must be strong on the basis of understanding, tolerance and respect by all for differing views honestly held; and it can only be on the basis of an attachment to Canada, all of it.

Do you remember what Lord Tweedsmuir said to the Canadian Institute of International Affairs on October 10, 1937:

This is a sovereign nation and cannot take her attitude to the world docilely from Britain, or from the United States, or from anybody else. A Canadian's first loyalty is not the British commonwealth of nations, but to Canada, and to Canada's king, and those who deny this are doing, to my mind, a great disservice to the commonwealth.

The profound truth of his final observation has been borne out by everything that has happened since the beginning of the war.

To-day Canada is united as never before, grimly engaged in utilizing her resources of power, agriculture and minerals, her industry and her men, in the best possible way to defend our front line in Britain. We are encouraged to do our utmost by the pride we feel in the courage shown by the people of that beleaguered country. Visitors coming from England speak of the people being happy there. They are happy because they have looked danger and death in the face and kept on smiling. They are happy because of the changes that have come about in English life: the sharing of risks and work, the levelling out of privilege, the new spirit arising out of the equal sacrifice, the new efficiency coming out of working together. The country is being literally reborn in the ordeal of fire. The sword of democracy is being reforged in England with a keener edge. You remember near the end of Pilgrim's Progress, when Hopeful starts to cross the dark river. It is an awesome experience, but towards midstream Hopeful calls back in ringing tones:

Be of good cheer, my brother. I have felt the bottom and it is sound.

That is what the spirit of England says to us to-day. It speaks to us through the words and deeds of the men and women, and the children too, who are in its front line. It finds its echo in the imperishable words of its inspired and inspiring leader, Mr. Winston

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Churchill. Hon. members will be familiar with the magnificent passage with which he concluded his speech on October 8. I shall not repeat it, because already it is known to all of you. It has become part of the literature of England.

Our government can make plans, let contracts, set up new producing companies, levy taxes and ask for loans. All these things it has been doing and will continue to do at an increasing rate. But what Canada accomplishes will depend on her people, and what they do will depend on their own will, their own spirit. That is why it is essential that the government keep the people informed, in the greatest possible measure, of what it is doing; that it gain understanding for its actions, and do everything it can to develop in the nation a spirit that can do for Canada what it has done for the people of Britain. There they have a popular war-time catchword to the effect that civilians are suffering more from the bombing than are the men in the front lines, in the armed forces. The figures given this week by Mr. Churchill show this to be true. There is little likelihood just now that civilians in Canada will have to stand up to bombing, but they are going to have to make other sacrifices. They are going to have to give up for the war cause many of the things they otherwise would have. They are going to have to deprive themselves until it hurts. Soldiers, sailors and airmen, munitions workers and producers of all kinds, are going to have to play their vital part; but ordinary people, too, will be called upon for sacrifices. That is why we need and are glad to have a united national spirit. In the hard world we live in it is not enough for a nation to defend its old way of living, to try to maintain the easy ways to which it wras accustomed. The past year has showm that nations which try to hold a shield in front of a body lacking in vigour are lost. We have only to compare the Britain of to-day with the France of June to bring home this lesson. To survive against the powerful desperate marauders ranging the world, a nation must have a driving power within itself.

In all history those who have prevailed have always been those who were driven by a common desire for something better. Democracy is far from dead in the world, far from being a spent force. But if we are to beat back the evil powers-and they are strong-we must have a dynamic democracy, one that has hitting power because it is moving forward, one that hag not lost its force through standing still. This idea was emphasized by Lord Baldwin at Toronto in 1939, when he said:

[Mr Claxton.]

Democracies must attain to new levels of technical efficiency for self-defence and learn to cooperate.

And he added that democracies must strive with more insistence and passion than ever before to make real the twin ideals of social justice and individual freedom.

Well, in Canada we have plenty of opportunity. We can begin with the Sirois report. The government is to be congratulated on the step in this direction announced yesterday. The report is not only a great state document, resulting from years of study and work, but, without altering the fundamentals of confederation, it represents a new charter for the people of all Canada. People from end to end of Canada would like to see it implemented, because they know that we cannot get along in a very difficult twentieth century world with a constitution which was designed to meet the financial and social needs and conditions of the nineteenth century.

I had the honour of being associated with my friend Senator Gouin in a study for the Sirois commission. Our study is printed at appendix 8 and this is what we say at page 33:

There is to-day an uncertainty and a sense of frustration comparable to the conditions which confederation was intended to improve. It is no part of our duty to recommend what course should be followed, but we believe that the picture of legislative confusion outlined in the pages which follow shows that constructive steps must now' be taken if the needs of the Canadian people are to be properly met and if the integrity of Canada is to be preserved.

That was written in 1939, when neither of us imagined that we could be here to join with you in doing what we can to clear the air of this continual "miasma which w'e meet at every turn as to the respective jurisdiction of the dominion and of the provinces" as one highly respected private member put it some years ago. We are ready to-day to show the same self-reliance, the confidence, the faith that the fathers of confederation had seventy-three years ago.

Some critics may object that the recommendations of the Sirois report should be left until after the war, that it is our business to get on with the war. We can get on with the w'ar effectively only if we are strong at home. In war the strength of the home front is as essential to success as strength on the battle front. In reality to-day there are not two fronts but only one. For this reason we should be planning, working, directing every effort to make Canada a better place, to make Canadians better citizens, so that our contribution to the cause we have at heart will be more effective and more successful.

In all the fields of government and education, in the training of skilled labour, in

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public health and charitable and social services, yes, even in art and music, and certainly in religion, we should be doing what we can to make our bodies tough and our minds strong and our hearts warm with affection for our country. All the modern instruments of press, radio, film, should spread words, music, pictures, all used to intensify among Canadians their knowledge and love of Canada. And we cannot fight a long, grim war without opportunities "to enliven our sentiments in common."

Lord Baldwin expressed two ideas. I have said a word about democracy's attaining new levels of efficiency. May I conclude by repeating his reference to the other subject of social justice and freedom. He said:

We must strive with more insistence and passion than ever before to make real the twin ideals of social justice and individual freedom.

It seems appropriate to relate what I have to say on this score to the resignation of the hon. member for Winnipeg North Centre (Mr. Woodsworth) from the leadership of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation. However much some hon. members disagreed with the policies he advocated, they could not help respecting the sincerity of his views or the fearless way in which he put them forward. What is important is that he had the right to express his views. If we are sincere in our desire to defend democracy, we must practise democracy as well as preach it. In war time there must be limitations, but we must be sure that those limitations are really necessary to preserve the security of the democratic state for which we are fighting.

We say, Mr. Speaker, that Canada is going to put forth her utmost effort. We can put forth our utmost effort because we have a burning faith in our cause, because we believe that our democracy is worth living for, working for, dying for. In this we shall be inspired by the spirit of the British people and by the sacred recollection of everything that has been accomplished before us in Canada. Our people are prepared to do any service, to make every sacrifice for their country, Canada.

It does us good now and then to restate our faith in our own country. When this war is over Canada will still be here with the same land and forests and lakes it had before. Our fields, our mines, our water powers are not surpassed anywhere. Long after Hitler has gone to his dismal end, they will be here and there will be Canadians to use them. We are all working for one end. This government, this parliament, this people, are united in the confidence that we can overcome all obstacles. Out of this ordeal of fire we can forge a new and better Canada, and make our proper contribution to the good life of our people, and all others.

Mr. RENE JUTRAS (Provencher) (Translation) :

Mr. Speaker, I should like to draw attention to the fluency and eloquence of the hon. member for St. Lawrence-St. George (Mr. Claxton) and to tender him my sincere congratulations. Following the noble words which you have been privileged to hear and applaud, and bearing in mind the fact that I represent here a constituency whose very name, Provencher, recalls the virtues and devotion of the great prelate who brought into outstanding prominence the name of my race, and who, with the cross, implanted civilization in Manitoba, I feel constrained to request your kind consideration.

On this occasion, as a free member of a free parliament, a title whose importance and honour I fully appreciate to-day, I deem it my duty to avoid oratorical devices or stock phrases, and I shall merely seek to express my thoughts as a Canadian.

I wish to thank the right hon. the Prime Minister (Mr. Mackenzie King) for the honour he has bestowed upon my friends and electors from Provencher, when he entrusted me the task of seconding the address in reply to the speech from the throne. Consequently, my constituents from Provencher desire to pay him a respectful tribute and to acknowledge the honour thus bestowed upon them.

May I also convey to him my gratitude for the acumen he has shown in the numerous decisions which he has taken with coolness and efficiency since the beginning of the present emergency. I believe, Mr. Speaker, that the Canadian people as a whole are convinced that this war is truly Canada's war., and that the efficient defence of the country lies in the use of the organized and united power and force of this dominion for the annihilation of the German hordes.

Any one who travels over Canada to-day is gripped by a spirit of resolute determination and confidence, because he notices that this population, among which many citizens had been compelled, for some years back, to put away their tools on account of the depression and join the march on the exhausted source of public funds, this very population is to-day exceedingly busy erecting hangars, airdromes and factories in the fulfilment of a common aim. Throughout our valleys, our plains and our hillsides, buildings are springing up as our field crops do in the spring, and the wheels of industry are humming without interruption. That is truly the answer of the Canadian people to the stirring appeal of the London chimes, an appeal that was far remote but nevertheless quite clear.

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I desire to pay a tribute to the British people, who have brought to mankind the vision of a better world. The blood, the tears, the toil, the stout determination of the men, women and children of Great Britain have opened an era of heroism and restored to the world the common ideals of free people. Their sacrifices will spare us many of their sufferings. They have shown us that a democracy can survive, that it can secure from its citizens a supreme and constant devotion, and that it can also create a world better than any system wherein the cost of material progress is the degradation of human mind. And the intrepid leader of that people, Winston Churchill, is the living symbol of the unity of the democracies, a unity which constitutes the strongest hope of mankind. All praise to that people so fiercely proud of its traditions and of its liberty! All praise as well to those Frenchmen who have so proudly shed their blood in defence of their freedom! Their country, their noble country, has fallen, but we refuse to believe that their soul is dead. I shall simply repeat to them the words of the right hon. Minister of Justice (Mr. Lapointe): "You have not only our affection, but our support", and those of that great Frenchman, Gambetta, regarding the future of France: "Think of it always, speak of it never."

I am not one of those who, gulled by nazi propaganda, believe that the totalitarian system is necessarily more efficient and can easily dominate the democratic regimes. It would be foolish to deny the extraordinary power of the German military machine, but its ruthless efficiency is no proof of the strength of the totalitarian regimes or of the weakness of the democracies. Let the latter never forget the resistance opposed by one small nation against more than a hundred million aggressors prepared by twenty-two years of totalitarianism. The sole effect of the totalitarian system is to stamp out all sense of humanity. The triumphant barbarism which brought Germany within an ace of victory will assuredly lead it to a defeat from which it will never recover.

I also wish to say a word about the agreement concluded between Great Britain and the United States. This agreement is the most significant and noteworthy event in Anglo-American history. It constitutes a tangible proof that these two nations are living on good terms with each other and are working out together in brotherly fashion the solution of the military and naval problems of their common defence. May I express my gratitude to my leader who has always wholeheartedly sought to cultivate and [Mr. Jutras.l

develop this spirit of cooperation and good understanding with our neighbours to the south. Canada has become an indissoluble link of better understanding and cordiality between the British Empire and the United States. The noble task of consolidating between the British and the Americans the strongest and most durable friendship in the history of nations is an ideal, a summit which we shall reach through unwavering loyalty to Great Britain and acts of respectful friendship towards the United States. It goes without saying that when countries have common interests to defend their first act is to study their common interests and problems together and to divide the responsibilities between them. The speeches delivered during the recent presidential election campaign in the United States have clearly shown us that the soul of the American people is with us in the struggle we have undertaken for freedom and independence. Though we are neighbours, we live in the same house. The agreement in question assures us that all the doors of our house will be closed to the plunderers of nations.

I still have a tribute to pay, a tribute owed to the citizens of Canada, to the members of this house and to the Government for the wonderful esprit de corps and the complete cooperation which they manifested on the occasion of the national registration. This same spirit of Christian and patriotic abnegation has showed itself every day in the application of the National Mobilization Act. Canada is marching loyally with its sister nations. No nation with so generous a soul can perish, however hard the trial.

(Text) As we enter upon this new session, Mr. Speaker, every one realizes that it will be one of the most momentous in the whole history of the Dominion of Canada, and no one is more conscious of the tremendous responsibility that rests upon his shoulders than the private member. It would be idle for me to take up the time of this house in an effort to review the events which have taken place in Europe and their significance to Canada.

Since the fall of France, when the whole world seemed on the verge of collapse, a new world has arisen stronger and more determined than ever. It is our foremost duty to keep it as such and never to relax our efforts. We are fully confident that the Canadian people are doing all that is possible, but our enthusiasm has led us to wonder if we should not now attempt the impossible. Before Dunkirk it was thought impossible to evacuate in a few days from a half shattered harbour more than 30,000 men. The optimists said that 50,000 might be evacuated

The Address-Mr. Jutras

but the fact is that 335,000 were saved. The allies had tried all that was possible; they were then faced with the necessity of doing the impossible, and they did it. This fine spirit of Dunkirk is not confined to the European continent. It has found expression on many occasions in Canada since the outbreak of war and is now, I believe, more alive than it ever was.

To-day France, our noble ally, has fallen. She lies with guns pointed at her heart and disarmed. Relations between Great Britain and France are becoming more and more acrimonious. It would be most unfair to try to judge downtrodden France, and any discussion of the hypothetical decisions of her government is bound to lead us into misrepresentations as well as misunderstandings, and to risk our great asset, the unity of our beloved dominion.

Many people of France have lost their lives, and those who have survived are menaced by tyranny. Great Britain and France have great confidence in one another. Mr. Speaker, I beg of hon. members of this house and of all Canadian citizens that they save that confidence, the one thing that can be saved. I cannot think of a better way to do it than to think of our friends, their kindness and affection. No matter what is said of the Frenchmen, no matter what is said of the Englishmen, let us think of certain Frenchmen, let us think of certain Englishmen who we know are incapable of any but noble and generous thoughts. Let us extend our kindness and friendliness. The need for kindness in the world to-day is appalling, and yet there lies, I believe, our strength and the key to this new and modern world to which we have harnessed our lives and for which we are shedding our blood.

I wish to refer briefly, Mr. Speaker, to the problem of agriculture, which has become a national problem and an integral part of our war effort. It is made clear by every process of logic and by the proof of historic fact that the wealth of a nation, the character of its people, the quality and permanence of its institutions, are all dependent upon a sound and sufficient agricultural foundation. Not armies or navies, or commerce, or diversity of manufactures, or great distributive systems, or anything other than the farm, is the anchor which will hold through the storms of time which sweep all else away.

The last great war was the principal cause of Canada's rise to the position of a great wheat exporting country. Canada expanded her acreage to become the leading wheat exporting nation of the world, which position she still holds. At the time of the declaration of war some people expected wheat to 14873-2}

soar in price simply because a war was in progress. They overlooked the fact that Europe had been preparing for war for several years and that substantial reserves had been stored up in that continent. Never before has a major war started with such an abundant supply of food in the world.

The prairie farmers realize that they are called upon to guarantee ample supplies of food for the allies during the war. They have learned to produce abundantly. Gradually, by the use of machines, agriculture is being relieved of back-breaking manual labour. The faithful and diligent horse is gradually being relegated to the background, and fast, efficient and economic machines take its place. One hundred years ago it took the efforts of ninety per cent of the population, busily employed on farms, to feed and clothe the nation. To-day twenty-five per cent of that population can easily do the job. This great productivity has served only to beat down prices to penurious levels.

There are three million Canadians living on farms, and there are another two millions living in rural areas whose livelihood depends almost directly on agriculture. Thus when agriculture's existence is imperilled by low prices, five million Canadians suffer jointly. The western farmers realize the complexity of the problem and are not asking for excess profits, but they feel that a reasonable parity should be maintained between the prices of farm products and the prices of the things they have to buy.

(Translation) At the outset of this new session, I express the hope that nothing will be said or done in this house which might be prejudicial to what is still our most valuable asset: national unity. The effective defence of our country requires the concentration of our efforts at such a place and time, and in such a way, that they will best contribute to the defeat of the German armies. Our real aim is the mobilization of a well-organized and wisely-led Canadian people. We have already achieved this, to a large extent, and we shall march on towards this goal with a common will, as long as we enjoy the full confidence of the Canadian people.

If mobilization on a national scale has been such a success, it is due, I believe, to equality in sacrifice. All able-bodied citizens must be prepared to make the same sacrifices, and all classes will find comfort in the thought that there will be no exemptions. This is of prime importance. There must also exist equality of financial contribution. I will abstain from enlarging upon this point, but will briefly refer to excessive war profits. Means of controlling such excesses are not wanting and it must be stated that such as have been put

12 COMMONS

The Address-Mr. Hanson (York-Sunbury)

into force during the last session have proven quite efficient. For this, the Canadian people are grateful to their leaders, retaining withal their constant vigilance in this regard.

While government contracts should not insure what might be considered excessive profits, it would nevertheless be contrary to public interest that their financial basis be such as to paralyse contractors and limit their productive capacity.

We are confident that under firm and competent direction Canadian industry will prove equal to the task of ensuring maximum results from our war effort.

Hon. R. B. HANSON (Leader of the Opposition):

Mr. Speaker, when I came to Ottawa this week I had hoped to be able to make my contribution to this debate immediately after the mover (Mr. Claxton) and the seconder (Mr. Jutras) had concluded their addresses. But we are living in a changing world where things change from day to day, and I find myself unable to proceed this afternoon. I shall therefore ask leave to adjourn the debate and take my seat after congratulating my hon. friend from St. Lawrence-St. George (Mr. Claxton) upon the very fine contribution which he has made in this House of Commons to-day, and my young friend from Proven-cher (Mr. Jutras), who has, I think, distinguished himself so creditably in both languages.

I move the adjournment of the debate.

Motion agreed to and debate adjourned.

On motion of Mr. Mackenzie King the house adjourned at 4.20 p.m. until Tuesday, November 12, at 3 p.m.

Tuesday, November 12, 1940.