February 22, 1916 (12th Parliament, 6th Session)

LIB

George Perry Graham

Liberal

Mr. GRAHAM:

They have to have them to get up a good Scotch regiment.
Mr. CURRIE. These is something in that, but in the army there is no question of nationality. All our men are Canadians. And as to other nationalities there is no distinction. I had with me a number of

Irishmen and to one I gave the military cross for his bravery, and he deserved it. He wore kilts like the rest. I had several Englishmen, and nothing too good could be said of them. I had some of our friends from Lower Canada-there were a number of them with me. No braver men or better troops ever stood in shoe-leather than the French-Canadians who were with the First Division. When you fight alongside of men and see them press on, fighting with their hands, and bayonets, and rifles, and all standing to it without quailing, you realize the merits of those men and know the stuff the real Canadian is made of. The French-speaking Canadian militia has had ' a glorious history. Think of that corps in the campaigns of Montcalm and Wolfe. We know that when Canada was handed over to the British Crown the Canadian militia did not surrender, but marched out with drums beating, colours flying, matchlocks burning, and with all the honours of war. And the men who are fighting on the front to-da^, men alongside of whom I fought, the men of the Royal Highlanders of Montreal and the Montreal regiment, and some in my own regiment, were worthy successors of those brave men who tried to defeat the British over a hundred years ago. It makes me very tired indeed when I see the efforts made to stir up strife irj this country with the old weapons of the seventeenth century. These men at the front forget all these things. Those here who are trying to stir up trouble should go to the trenches for at least a few days. There they will see the wild Orangemen of Ontario dying, hundreds of them, alongside their comrades from the province of Quebec. And what for? For the very language and ideals over which there is trouble in this country; for the liberties of France; for the rights of that French-speaking people, the Belgians; for the integrity and independence of Belgium, " the beloved daughter of the Church." All these ideas of race and religion have been thrown into the sea by the men who have gone across; there is nothing of that among them. When a man has been under fire for twenty-four hours he reconciles himself to death. And he has a great respect for the man alongside him. The devotion of those men dying there should be an example to us in this country. In the shattered churches behind the lines, you find priests of the old faith praying there for these Orangemen and the rest of us in the trenches, praying that we may be safe and victorious. That is
an example for the whole world, and surely it should put an end for ever to strife in this country. I would urge those who seek to stir up trouble to go to the front and see what is taking place there. You will find the bodies of these same Orangemen that are derided by some here, and about whom such a'row is raised by agitators, buried in cemeteries the walls of which have been thrown down, buried in consecrated ground; no question as to religion there in the presence of the Great Tragedy. And this Great Tragedy is not enacted on that embattled ground alone; it is here, at our doors, it is in this very chamber as real as among these men in Flanders-unless they win. Surely we have something else to do here than to stir up strife. It ill becomes any man of military age.to carry on such an agitation among our people. Where the fighting goes on we come to know each other. And I can assure you that, so far as those are concerned who seek political preferment by means of such agitation, the men who have fought and learned lessons of toleration in the trenches-for they have votes-will take care of those agitators.
Perhaps the House would desire to hear something of the battle of St. Julien, and it may not be amiss for me to put on record a few words concerning it here. For no doubt future historians will take up this Hansard to see what one who was present had to say about it.
The Canadians took over the French trenches immediately east and north of the city of Ypres, in Belgium. I may explain that all Belgium is gone except a strip about twenty miles wide and thirty miles long-that is all that is left to the brave King Albert and his people to fight in. The rest is in the hands of the Germans. But it will not be always thus. The last city in Belgium is the city of Ypres. The Allies had thrown around it cordons of their troops and had driven the Germans back about six miles all around the city, forming what they call a salient. On the extreme north, along the canal to the sea the Belgian troops were holding. Then came the French, the "Iron Division" from Nancy, whose lines ran along the northeast section of this salient. Then came the Turoos, native Algerian troops, and brave troops they are. I do not say they were not justified in fleeing when the gas came. The French left their trenches, a*d we took them over, having a position between the Turcos and the British troops, who held the line southwest to Labasse.

Strong fighting had taken place there. The parapets were low, and many a German was piled up in these parapets and in the mud under foot, and almost every inch of the ground behind us was covered with the graves of the brave French defenders of that section and the Germans killed in trying to take the ground. Honourable members sitting here, I think, have little idea of the conditions under which our troops are fighting. Death is in the air every moment. Night or day, if a man raises his head above the parapet, he is liable to re-oeive a rifle bullet. Every five minutes a shell will hit the parapet or the trenches. Of course, everybody is placed so as to avoid danger as much as possible, but not a day passes when there are not one or two casualties, sometimes three or four, in every Canadian battalion, as you will see by the lists in the newspapers. And we were giving it back with interest to the Germans across the hundred yards of space in the same way. Four days after we had taken over the French trenches, on the 19th of April, between five and six o'clock in the afternoon, we noticed a tremendous rifle fire breaking out along the line occupied by the Turcos. Then we observed a huge cloud of greenish-yellow smoke, like, the smoke of burning straw. The rifle fire increased in intensity, and the shell fire became something terrible. The German guns gave what the newspapers call " a curtain of flame " on the forward lines of the Turcos' trenches. One of my companies was in the garrison of one of the villages behind that sector, St. Julien. When I first saw that the attack was coming, I was at the front line in company with Adjutant Dansereau, who is a native of Quebec, and one of the bravest men that ever stood in shoe leather. When we noticed the smoke and the intense firing, we immediately came to the conclusion that a tremendous thrust was being made against the French line at that point. We hurried back into the village of St. Julien and ordered our troops there to stand to. Shortly afterwards we noticed the figures of the French Turcos coming across the fields towards the village. Adjutant Dansereau, with a number of other young officers

Guy Drummond and Major Noseworthy among them-ran out to meet and to stop the Turcos. Dansereau rallied about two hundred of them into my trenches; the others were rallied into the trenches in front of the village. Drummond and Noseworthy fell gallantly, stemming the retreat. The Turcos told us that the Germans had suddenly
turned a stream of gas on their lines, which, with the wind blowing about four miles an hour, quickly crossed the intervening space of 100 or 150 yards which intervened between the trenches. The opposing trenches are never more than 400 yards apart; indeed, the intervening distance is seldom more than 100 yards. When the gas first came the Turcos stuck to their trenches, and fully twenty per cent of their men died in their tracks. You can easily realize why so many of these poor, ignorant, coloured troops were so panic-stricken that they ran. Those who did not run were shot by machine guns or struck by shrapnel as they tried to make their way out of the trenches, so that only a remnant of their brigades reached the village. I desire to bear testimony to the courage of these men, even though they did retire. Out of the 200 men who were put in the forward trench at St. Julien, not more than sixteen remained alive after the battle; and the sixteen became prisoners of the Germans. You will see, therefore, that it was not lack of courage that caused the Turcos to retire. Well, the "Germans were coming on, and it was up to the Canadians to fight a rearguard action. I am speaking now not as a soldier, but in my civilian capacity; so I can give praise where it is due. I am sure, therefore, that a word of praise for General Turner will not be out of place. He is an officer in whom we Canadians all have confidence; and he is one of the bravest men in the British Army to-day. He is a Victoria Cross man, and a true soldier from the soles of his feet to the top of his head. General Turner immediately grasped the situation. The 10th and 16th battalions, which were in what they call brigade reserve at Ypres, formed up in the dusk of the evening west of the village of St. Julien, fixed bayonets, ported arms, and started to drive the Germans back. They drove the Germans back nearly a mile, many men falling in the engagement. No braver deed is recorded in the annals of the British Army than the charge of the 16th and 10th at St. Julien wood. Many of the Germans, who threw up their hands, were cowardly enough, after the troops had passed over, to shoot our men in the back. Between 60 and 70 per cent of the charging battalions were wiped out; that is, were killed or wounded. I have not time to mention the bravery of the officers who fell during that fight. The regiments dug in at the edge of the wood, and then the 7th hurried up to form a link between the villages

of iSt. Julien and the extreme point of the triangle held by the Mbntreal Highlanders and by my battalion. The first brigade was hurried up from west of the canal in reserve, and they helped to drive the Germans back and reconstitute the line., We stopped the rush that night. 1 understand that in the rush five army corps were in front of us. One of my men who had been a prisoner, but who, having lost his eye, was allowed to return, told me that six double lines of Germans were dug in in the fields behind the front of our lines. It was well known that there were 250,000 Germans in front of the Canadians in that fight; the odds, therefore, were about 20 to 1. That the Canadians were able to stop the rush of the Germans speaks well for their bravery. There was no hesitation, no question as to whether or not the force of the enemy was overpowering. It was a rearguard fight, and the Canadians held their ground because there. was nothing between the Canadians and Calais. If the German army had broken through, they would in two days reach Calais. It was necessary to sacrifice men, and we did not hesitate to do it.
On Friday the Germans gassed the front line again. They had come to realize, however, that the Canadians would keep on fighting like savage Indians, and would not throw up their hands as long as life and ammunition lasted. One wounded man in a ditch would hold up a wlfole battalion of Germans. Wherever they crossed bayonets with our men, our men overpowered them, and again and again the Germans were countered and driven out of our trenches. On Saturday morning they gassed us again, this time the attack being directed against the Montreal regiment and my battalion, which held the extreme angle of the salient. We were surrounded by Germans on three sides. Possibly 1,500 guns were turned loose on our sector; a shell fell about every ten feet. Out of forty-seven men who went into a small trench about 100 yards to the left of where I stood, only seventeen men came out after fifteen minutes shelling; the rest were killed by Jack Johnsons-great shells that fill the air with black and green smoke so thick that you could almost cut it with a knife. A number of the men applied wet bandoliers to their noses and escaped the gas in that way. We were not then supplied with respirators such as they have now. It was but the third day of our experience with German gas. In spite of the gas, the men held their line until late in the afternoon, when support came. On Friday evening LU-
Col. Hart McHarg, who was in command of the 7th, got into a broken-down house from which the Germans were distant about twenty feet. While making an attempt to get out of the house he was shot and killed. Many other brave officers fell that day. On Saturday morning the Germans got a piece of our front trenches. They paid dearly for it. On Saturday afternoon the English troops came up and relieved us. I want to bear testimony to the extreme courage and bravery of these new British troops. They were not regulars, but Kitchener's army. They were fresh from England, had never fired a shot in anger in their lives, and did not know what the inside of the German trench was like. They took over our trenches, and their battalion lost possibly 50 per cent of its members, showing you that, with proper drill and discipline, the British troops are the equal of any troops and can hold any troops in the world. That makes us all feel satisfied that before this war is over we are going to have great and glorious victories.
I shall not refer to the few of our battalions who came out further than to say that I do not think any of the Canadian regiments' could muster more than three hundred men out of the eight hundred or nine hundred with which they went into that fight. All through the fight our brigadier was with us and with him the gallant officer who was his brigade major, the son of the Minister of Militia, a young man who is simply one of the bravest of the brave-there is no question about his ability as a soldier and his bravery. His commanding officer, General Turner, had to take the cooks and all the men he could scrape up at his headquarters to fight the Germans, who were within 150 yards, the first evening. A young officer from Winnipeg, McDonald, was shot in the brigade quarters by a shell that came into the room and the house was burned-not a particle of the barns and buildings where General Turner had his headquarters was left. Still he hung on, although we all thought he was killed. Our brigade got out about four o'clock on Monday morning and went into action again at eight o'clock the same morning, each of the battalions about 300 strong. Mine had 22 unwounded men and only two officers, myself and my second in command.
Something may have been said and has been said, there has been some gossip about my conduct at the front. I want to state to you gentlemen present here that

all through my career as an officer I constantly had in view ithe fact also that I was one of the members of this House and that I should comport myself in accordance with its dignity and honour. Far greater responsibilities rested upon me than upon anybody else there, but I never found the fact that I was a member of Parliament had anything at all to do with assisting me in any possible way, because I did not presume upon that; I took very great care that I never presumed or asked anything for myself from any person; neither political favour nor military favour of any kind have I asked for myself. There has, as I have said, been a little gossip. The men in my regiment and my officers know that when a battle takes place and I am there with them it is my duty to be there to lead them, rifle in hand; and after the battle is over I am the man who knows whether they comported themselves with bravery and dignity or not. The man who knows whether I did my duty there is Brigadier General Turner, V.C., who was with me all through the fight, and who shared the same dig-in with me during part of the remaining twelve days of the battle when we were in the thick of it night and day. When I was invalided to England he was good enough to ask for four days more leave for me. I got six days to start with and he was pleased to give me four days more, and he wrote me a letter which I think it is only right, in justice to myself, I should put oil record here as it will show that the words I have spoken to you are true. This letter was written on the 10th of May, virtually on the battlefield. The general was in the thick of the fight at Festubert a few days later. General Turner does not hesitate to go in with his men. He does not ask any officer or man in his brigade to do anything that he was not willing to do himself. That is the kind of man he is. He is an opponent of mine politically, so you will understand that there is no scratching of one another's backs, and no politics in this, He wrote to me:
Dear Colonel:
Leave has been extended for four days as requested.
The process of reorganizing is a heavy one.
Your battalion will have lost its identity as the 48th Highlanders.
In forwarding recommendation for " Mention in Despatches " it has given me great pleasure including your name for the valuable services rendered at St. Julien.
According to medical officers and my own opinion you are entitled to a good rest or suitable staff employment.

You have done more than called for as a regimental officer.
With best wishes, believe me,
Yours sincerely,
R. E. W. Turner.
General Turner, in his modesty, has not added the words letters "V.C." after his name, as he was entitled to do. That letter speaks for itself.. So far as my conduct is concerned, there is nothing to be ashamed of there. So far as the conduct of any Canadian soldier in the Canadian army that took part in that battle is concerned there is nothing to be ashamed of as far as I know. I am speaking for them all. If anything has been said or done since to my injury there are only two men who stood between me and any decorations that might have come to me, or any "mention in despatches," and these were General Alderson-and the Minister of Militia here. One was six miles back of the line all through the fight, and the other was attending to his duty in Canada, several thousand miles away. I choose to take the verdict of the man who stood over me in the trenches and the men that fought alongside of me.
We will now pass from what is a very disagreeable thing for me to speak of a personal matter, because a soldier has only his honour; you get nothing but hard knocks out of war and a little honour; so let us turn to the question of the war itself. We have now some 250,000 men ready for the field, and we are asked to get more men and yet more men. There are three things we will need: men, money, and munitions, and then more money and munitions. Of men we have now 250,000, and I often wish that this country had been blessed with national service before this war broke out. Then there would have been no heart burnings. The French people ihave national service, and you have no idea of their attachment to their country, and the excellent way in which that service works out. In France, when war broke out, every man, woman and child in the state was mobilized for war. The man whose place was behind the desk at the bank was left there, that was his place. The man who was to till the ground was left there. The only son of the widow, the only hope and support of a widow, or th,e bread winner of a small family, he was not taken off to the war. Places were adjusted for everybody, and there were no qualms of conscience in anybody, whether he should don khaki or

not; or whether we was of age or not, whether he should go to the front or not.
I find in this country men of my acquaintance of my age who have never served in any military capacity whose consciences are disturbing them constantly because they are not at the front. Their place if they led sedentary lives at home. There is^ a 'great difference between national service and conscription. Under conscription the names of the men in the community. are taken and put in a hat. If twenty men are needed twenty names are drawn out. It used to be the custom with conscription, and I do not think any law has been passed to change it, that if a rich man's name were drawn he could hire a poor boy a substitute to take his place. That form of conscription bore very hardly on the poor. But in France, where they have national service, the mother who rocks the boy in the cradle knows he has to tight for France and she glories in that. Many of them told me last year they were glad their boys would be old enough and able to take part in the war. Talk about their conduct in this war! Our ideas of the French people are in many cases entirely erroneous. The ideas put in hook? by novelists are often contemptible. There are no finer people, no more casual people, no more cool and collected people under danger-and I have seen them in the fight, in the middle of it-than the French. One of our officers, a Highlander, and a very brave man, who was wounded the other day, said to me: These Frenchmen in front of us carry on this battle just as casually as if they were working on a railroad job. Anybody who has seen them fighting knows that there is no chance in the world of the Germans winning, so far as fighting is concerned. The social qualities of the French and their discipline are very good. They were holding nearly 400 miles of these trenches I have described to you while the great British Empire was holding something like 35 miles. So you can understand the work and labours they had and the difficulties with which they had to contend. When we got into trouble their brigades marched to our assistance, took their places and helped us out and helped to finish the big battle of Ypres, which ended in a victory for the Allies, because it stopped the great German rush on the west front for a year. They have national service in France. If we had had national service we would have had no difficulty now; everybody would have known that he had his place, and then there would not have been
any qualms of conscience in the breasts of those who are now wondering if they should not get into khaki because I or somebody else has done so. They would have their place, and their proper place perhaps would be on the lines of communication; perhaps behind the men in the trenches, or perhaps legislating here. The legislators in France have to attend to their duties, even if men are fighting at the front. We must get the 500,000 men, and I feel satisfied that, in view of the martial ardour of the people of this country -and I am speaking now more particularly of the Canadians, who number over 80 per cent of the population-we will get them; there is no doubt about that. Even if we have to take action, even if we have to adopt some form of national service, I think 90 per cent of the people of this country would say immediately, "Amen, let the older men take our places and let the younger men go." Why should a middle aged man with a large family go to fight in this war, and leave the young fellows who have no ties to stay at home? I received a letter the other day from a .man at the front who is 53 years of age, and who has a wife and twelve children at home, and for over 12 months he has been under fire in the trenches. It is very unfair that a man of his years and position should have to go when there are hundreds of young men in the country quite capable of bearing arms; and it would be the best thing in the world for them.
We must get these men as quickly as possible. The nation that has the greatest number of men, the largest number of guns, and the greatest amount of equipment at the front, is the nation that is going to win this war. We must not say: We cannot do this, and we must not expend this or that money, because the war is likely to stop soon. Do not believe, gentlemen of the House of Commons, that this war is going to end in six months or in a year. The Germans have won so far; bear that in mind, and whilst they may want peace, and whilst it would be to their interest to * secure peace at this moment-and nobody knows that better than the Germans themselves-we should see to it that they do not get peace. What has kept us back was our lack of preparation. Germany has got 65 per cent of industrial France; she has the coal mines and the iron mines; and she has Austria, for Austria will be the lamb that will lie down inside the German lion when this war is over. There will be no Austrian emperor then; take that for

granted, even if Germany is beaten. Then Germany has the Balkan States, and there is no doubt that she has won great territory. But in the language of Joseph Chamberlain, are we down-hearted? Not a bit of it, because history teaches us that we must pass through at least two years of muddling in a great war before the tide turns in our favour. Those of us who read history know that in the war between the Parliament under Cromwell and the King that at the end of two years Pym was dead, Hampden was killed and all the great leaders of Parliament of that day were either dead or killed. Very few besides Cromwell and Milton were left, but the tide turned at the end of two years, and then there came great victories which won the parliamentary liberties that we now enjoy and cherish. Take the Seven Years' War. During the first two years of that war on the continent of Europe the battle of Kolin was lost. There was also the convention of Closterseven, the loss of Minorca, the defeat of Braddock, the fall of Fort Necessity. It looked as if the end were near. The French had everything. Then the great Pitt came and there was victory from which Great Britain emerged stronger than she had ever been before. She -secured the Spanish and French colonies, among them Canada, and for the first time obtained absolute command of Die seas. Reverting for a moment to Cromwell, I may recall that at that time were passed the Navigation Laws, and to-day they are reading the preamble of those navigation laws in the House of Commons in England, and wondering why they ever gave them up. Adam Smith says they were the wisest piece of legislation ever enacted.
Again, take the Napoleonic wars. The first two years secured for Britain the command of the sea, but there was mutiny at home and in many cases defeat abroad, the same as had happened in the previous wars. Pitt the Younger succeeded in getting command of the sea, cabinet after cabinet was formed, and coalition government after coalition framed by that great statesman, to the end that the country might succeed. Nevertheless, history shows that during the first two years nothing was done apart from securing the command of -the seas. Then the tide turned and victories came. Need I make any further reference to history? The tide is turning now so far as we are concerned. It has turned in Asia. The Russians have captured the great city of Erzerum, and
the keys of Constantinople are always on the south side of the Bosphorus. They have always been there, and the Allies should be thundering at the gates of the city of the Turks before many months have elapsed.
So far as we are concerned, the fight has to be finished on the western front, and Canada must be there. We must have' arms, w-e must have men, but in the meantime we must not hesitate to establish great arsenals here to manufacture rifles, guns and munitions. We will need them all. It is a great mistake for us to spend our money abroad; it is a great mistake for the Empire to send its money abroad for munitions. There would have been no question at all as to the value of the English pound if everything possible had been done to bring about the manufacture of munitions in Britain or in the Empire. Why, the German guns that fired shells at my soldiers and myself day after day in Flanders, were made out of Canadian nickel and chrome steel. The rifles that fired at us had barrels that were made out of Canadian nickel steel. Every one of them was stamped " nickel steel," but they should have borne the motto "mined in Canada." This country has virtually the monopoly of nickel in the world. The French own New Caledonia, where there is nickel, but we are the only people in the world that have chrome ore in large quantities at the present time. There are loads of it in the province of Quebec, and it requires chrome and nickel to make the best electrical steel. The best guns that are being used in this war are not those of Krupps, but those of France and Austria, and the reason why they are the best is that the steel of which they are made is chrome nickel steel made by an electrical furnace. We have all the electricity we need, in this country; we have the nickel, and the chrome, and therefore we should go into the manufacture of arms and munitions on a large scale. The result would be that large amounts of money would be made in this country, and Canada would become great and prosperous.
As I have said before, when this war is over, we should see to it that we have made it pay, the -same as Pitt made war pay. I think the consensus of opinion in this House of Commons is that everything must be done to bring about that happy state of things. After the war broke out possibly 75 per cent of the factories in England were closed and the people were walk-
FEBRUARY 22, 19i'3
ing the stfeets. Before I left England last year I took occasion to visit Woolwich arsenal, and I saw the operations connected with the manufacture of guns and shells and fuses, and of all the articles that are needed in war. I spent syne time there, and took complete notes of every operation in that connection. I have a knowledge of machine tools, and of automatic machinery, so that I apprehend everything that was done in that arsenal. And let me say that I saw nothing done there which the people of this country could not do just as well. We have workmen just as able, and engineers that will hold their own with the engineers at Woolwich.
We must endeavour before this - war is over to put ourselves in a position to reap every advantage from Our great natural conditions. What a great thing it would be if this country were to become the greatest munition and arm producing country in the world. We have a monopoly of the raw materials that make cannon. To make cannon requires a certain amount of nickel, and also a certain amount of chrome, otherwise the temper of the metal will not last when the gun is fired quickly. We are spending enough money on this war to build these great plants for us and operate them. Now is our opportunity. If we let it pass it may never come again. If we deprive the Germans of our nickel, their predominance as an arm producing country will cease for ever. We will not be troubled with so many wars.
That is the whole secret of it. In all these localities we should be doing everything we can to bring about the establishment of works of this kind. I know that the Government have had a great many things to contend with and that they cannot do everything. I am speaking freely because, as a result of this great war, we have thrown our text books on economy into the fire and we have also thrown away a great deal of our politics.
1 think that some steps should be taken to inaugurate a policy similar to that carried out by Mr. Lloyd George in the old country. When he found that there were only three or four industries in Great Britain making shells and guns, and that they were trying to " hog " it all, he realized that it was necessary for him to get busy and increase the output of munitions. He called on the shoemakers, the cloth manufacturers and the steel makers and he said to these people: "We want you to make
material for the army." They said: "We have not any money to go into the manufacture of these articles." "Why?" he asked. They said: "We must have money with which to get machinery; the machinery that we require to make that stuff will be of no value after the war. Times are hard, we have no money, we have been fighting the Germans in the matter of commerce for years &nd we are without funds for the purchase of new machinery." That was true. He said: "You name what you want and the Government will provide you with it; if you want machinery for making munitions the Government will give you the capital that you require." He went to the manufacturers of clothing, of rifles, of shells, and made the same proposition to them. Hundreds of factories were established ia that way and to-day they are all going and prosperous. They are making large returns on their capital. Now, Mr. Lloyd George goes back to these manufacturers and says: "Well, gentlemen, you have made enough money to pay for these machines, for which the Government advanced you capital, you have got everything in first-class shape, you are making big profits and now I think the time has come when the Government should go into partnership with you and take 25 per cent of your earnings.." He is therefore quite justified in doing that. Something of that kind ought to be done in this country.
The day has gone by when we can stick fast to the old policy of letting everybody look after himself. England has advanced one hundred years in that respect during the last two years. Take it from me, if you had mentioned in England three years ago that there was a possibility of the Government taking over the railways of that country you would have been laughed at. you would have been told that there were so many interests at stake that nobody could get legislation of that kind through the British House of Commons. Yet, in one night the Government took over the railways of Great Britain and, with the exception of one or two small branches, they are bow all under Government operation and control. The Government have gone behind the munition manufacturers and they are going to go behind other kinds of manufacturers. Read the debates that are taking place in the English House of Commons almost every day and see what members of Parliament are saying about what they are going to do after the

war. They tell you that the Government are going to arrange banking 5 p.m. facilities, that they are going to stand behind their own manufacturers and that they are going to use every means in their power to control the commerce of the world. That is the proper policy and it is time that we should consider a policy of that kind.
I have talked to the House possibly long enough. There is nothing, as far as this war is concerned, that interests us more than the future. I see a glorious future arising from this war for this country and for the whole Empire. No longer will the British Empire be regarded as a bundle of sticks, a collection of shreds and patches. You will see, before this war is over, representatives of all the colonies having seats in the House of Commons; I have ne hesitation in saying that. But, there is plenty of time for that. The war is not going to be over to-morrow. We must not be in a hurry. We must do everything in our power to achieve the victory which we all hope for. If necessary, this House and this Government should take steps to assure the Mother Country that whatever can be done to bring about victory and the consolidation of the Empire we are prepared to do. Let us all pray that the day will come when we shall have, not an inglorious peace, but a splendid victory crowning our arms and sanctifying the sacrifices of our soldiers and people, when we shall have a great, free, united, happy and prosperous Empire presided over-as the great Pitt prayed for-by a pious and patriotic King and Emperor.

Topic:   THE BUDGET.
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