John Horne BLACKMORE

BLACKMORE, John Horne, B.A.

Personal Data

Party
Social Credit
Constituency
Lethbridge (Alberta)
Birth Date
March 27, 1890
Deceased Date
May 2, 1971
Website
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Horne_Blackmore
PARLINFO
http://www.parl.gc.ca/parlinfo/Files/Parliamentarian.aspx?Item=2db22441-d3ea-4e76-8d18-f4753949bd74&Language=E&Section=ALL
Profession
school principal, teacher

Parliamentary Career

October 14, 1935 - January 25, 1940
SC
  Lethbridge (Alberta)
March 26, 1940 - April 16, 1945
SC
  Lethbridge (Alberta)
June 11, 1945 - April 30, 1949
SC
  Lethbridge (Alberta)
June 27, 1949 - June 13, 1953
SC
  Lethbridge (Alberta)
August 10, 1953 - April 12, 1957
SC
  Lethbridge (Alberta)
June 10, 1957 - February 1, 1958
SC
  Lethbridge (Alberta)

Most Recent Speeches (Page 1578 of 1578)


February 24, 1936

Mr. BLACKMORE:

May I ask the hon. gentleman a question?

Topic:   COOPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH
Subtopic:   CONCENTRATION OP ECONOMIC POWER-PROPOSED PUBLIC OR COOPERATIVE OPERATION OF UNDERTAKINGS FAILING TO FUNCTION IN THE GENERAL INTEREST
Full View Permalink

February 24, 1936

Mr. BLACKMORE:

The hon. gentleman is dealing with ancient history. We left that quite a long time ago.

Topic:   COOPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH
Subtopic:   CONCENTRATION OP ECONOMIC POWER-PROPOSED PUBLIC OR COOPERATIVE OPERATION OF UNDERTAKINGS FAILING TO FUNCTION IN THE GENERAL INTEREST
Full View Permalink

February 11, 1936

Mr. J. H. BLACKMORE (Lethbridge):

Mr. Speaker, I should like to make a few observations concerning the speech from the throne. Last night the Prime Minister (Mr. Mackenzie King) indicated that he wlas in some doubt as to the stand which a number of hon. members in this section of the chamber were going to take with respect to the support of his government. I shall deal briefly with that point.

In a general way we feel that the speech from the throne is not quite full enough; that it does not go far enough and is not exact enough in the treatment which i,t prescribes for the grievous ills afflicting our country to-day. There is, however, one section of the speech from the throne which appeals to us strongly. Taken along with other pronouncements which have been made on the subject by the Prime Minister we feel that possibly this is sufficiently definite. We desire to be exceedingly definite about this particular part of the speech from the throne, namely, that part which appears as follows:

The control of credit, and the issue of currency, being public matters of direct concern to every citizen, it is intended, at the present session, to ask parliament to make such changes in the ownership and control of the Bank of Canada, as may be necessary to give to the government a predominant interest in the ownership as well as effective control of the bank.

As we see it, if the Prime Minister and his cabinet intend to do the things we believe they intend to do, they will be taking a step which will require a great deal of courage on their part, because they will be doing something which has long been necessary and something which will be almost revolutionary. In their steps forward to this momentous reform they will find the social credit people solidly behind them at every step.

First of all, however, may I refer to some of the things we assume they mean by this statement. We want to make sure that it is going far enough, and that it would constitute a real solution of the difficulties confronting us as a people. May I read one or two further passages which we place alongside the statement in the speech from the throne? First I shall refer to some observations of the Prime Minister delivered on the evening of October 14, a speech which has caused me greatly to admire the right hon. gentleman. I cannot remember a time when a man has made an election promise so quickly after his

The Address-Mr. Blackmore

I do not wish to occupy your attention longer, Mr. Speaker, on this point, though there are a great many other passages I might quote. With your permission, however, I would refer to some figures published by R. J. Scrutton in the April, 1935, number of the magazine Prosperity. He is using round numbers, quoting the American Bureau of Economic Research. He says that in the United States, in a given year, $60,000,000,000 worth of consumable goods, food, clothing, shelter and the like was produced by their industry, but that in that year, when they counted up all the money which was distributed in the United States in the form of wages, dividends, salaries, commissions, and in every other conceivable way in which men could get money with which to buy, there was only $45,000,000,000, and when you discounted $5,000,000,000, which was put into life insurance and thus taken away from the stream which could be used to buy goods, there was only $40,000,000,000. In other words, in the United States in that year there was $20,000,000,000 worth of goods which the American people did not have purchasing power to buy.

What would the United States do with that $20,000,000,000 worth of goods? The figures represent the condition, more or less extreme, which exists in every civilized and industrialized nation at the present time. If the United States undertakes to trade off this $20,000,000,000 worth of goods, receiving $20,000,000,000 worth of French goods, say, in exchange, how can the people of the United States buy that quantity of French goods when they were unable to buy their own? Here we see the secret of the difficulty in international trade.

Now the trouble is purely one of finance. As an indication of this may I quote an authority. Sir Basil Blackett, director of the Bank of England, has made this statement:

When I think of what we have done with money, and what money has done to us, I think we are all fit for a lunatic asylum.

Again let me quote Lord Melchett, the former Sir Alfred Mond, director of Barclay's Bank, of Imperial Chemical Industries, of the International Nickel Company of Canada, and so on:

The world' gets 3 per cent richer every year. This gradual increase of the world's wealth is due mainly to the discoveries of science and the development of industry. We must learn the economies of plenty and forget the economies of scarcity. In the near future our currency and our economics will have to be based on quite different ideas from the past.

Now what are the things upon which our currency is to be based? That is the question, and I leave that for us all to consider. I

have here another quotation which probably will be of interest. At the annual meeting of the Canadian Bank of Commerce of January, 1935, as reported in the Ottawa Citizen of January 15, 1935, Sir John Aird, president, stated:

No one now realizes more clearly than our legislators that the cost of public services is out of proportion to the population and its income. The situation cannot be relieved by increased borrowing, or by shifting part of the burden of the care of unemployed people from one legislative group to another. It is now quite generally agreed that continuous borrowing to cover deficits and to maintain social services on the present scale cannot go on indefinitely.

We must find, therefore, as a nation, some other way of getting money. The unemployment problem is increasing. The need of increasing power in order to enable our people to sell their goods both at home and abroad is growing more and more, and to solve the problem we need money. Our debt interest must be paid, and in order to do this we must have money. We cannot get money from the old sources, because even though we in Canada can produce tremendously we cannot sell and we are obliged to decrease production to keep up the price. How then shall we ever produce enough goods to get ourselves out of debt, to take care of our unemployed and to furnish purchasing power to buy our goods? The problem is staggering and beyond answer unless we find some other source of getting money.

Now what we assume the government means is that it is going to take control of the credit issue in this country in such a way as to do what the bankers have been doing for many years. The bankers have been manufacturing money without any cost to themselves, except perhaps clerical costs. Let me quote a few eminent authorities in this regard. The hon. member for St. Lawrence-St. George (Mr. Cahan), the former Secretary of State, in an address before the Canadian Club of Toronto on November 13, 1933, is reported to have said:

The cheque system which has been developed enables the banks to create money without the issue of their printed notes-to create credit money at will for many hundreds of millions of dollars in excess of their note issue.

Topic:   T 2739-6
Full View Permalink

February 11, 1936

Mr. BLACKMORE:

I submit that all that is perfectly true. At the same time, what banks can so generously do, and lend the proceeds to the government, and charge them good stiff interest for, I submit that governments ought to be able to find some way or another of doing for themselves. Here is another example. Mr. A. de V. Leigh, Secretary of the London Chamber of Commerce, in a statement reprinted in the Ottawa Citizen on June 8, 1934, makes the following statement:

The war was paid for as to 30 per cent by actual money belonging to the people-[DOT]

Is there any one who can see any reason why, then, the people of Great Britain should be taxed almost to death to pay for that war, when they already have paid for it?

-earned by the people; which was invested by the people in war loans;

Then1 note particularly these words:

-and 70 per cent of the total cost of the war wTas paid for by the banks very kindly making these book entries, costing them nothing except the ink, paper and the time of the clerk, and lending the result to the nation at interest. The nation owes them money in exchange for their promises-to-pay money which they have not got. Further we have been paying them interest on these promises-to-pay ever since. Interest on war loans amounts to something like five million dollars a day.

Now if the government is going to assert complete freedom for the Dominion of Canada, it is going to take control of such issue. It must be safeguarded, we will grant. It must be managed by men who are responsible and who are trained, men who will honestly and successfully manage that aspect of the nation's life in the interests of the people and not in the interests of any private group.

There is one more thing which must be very carefully considered, and we assume that the Prime Minister has this in mind. Up to the present time the backing for money has been gold. Men have got to the point where they virtually worship the gold standard. It is like a golden calf which they worship to their ruin, but the time must come when we will all realize that the backing of money is not necessarily gold. May I read here a statement by an eminent authority which none will presume to question, the Midland Bank, England, the largest bank in the world? Here is an extract from its monthly review, June-July, 1935.

In the past four years the progress of ideas has been rapid-the gold value of sterling has dwindled by forty per cent-neither the government nor the bank does anything about it, and no one is in the slightest degree disturbed, since the pound buys just as much goods and services as in 1931.

In other words, the gold standard has been gradually displaced in England as a backing for goods and services. In our country, with new machinery and scientific knowledge, a high degree of technical skill, and good organization, we can produce an almost infinite amount of goods; and we have hundreds of thousands of men in the country ready to render services; so there ought to be virtually an unlimited backing for what money wish to produce; at least there should be enough backing to give us the money we need.

Stability of the value of the pound in terms of goods has replaced stability in terms of gold.-At the heart of the matter is a change in the official conception of stability-internal stability is bringing us far greater benefits, in solid economic welfare, than the pursuit of fixity of exchange could conceivably yield.-* Clearly this change is nothing short of a revolution,-it indicates an almost complete transformation of the monetary system.

The social credit group in this parliament believes that the Prime Minister favours the introduction of such a revolutionary change: First, that the dominion government will take control of the issue so as to manage it for the people's welfare; and, second, that little by little in so far as it is necessary they will gradually depart from the gold standard and substitute a goods and services backing; and that such other measures will be taken as will tend to the well-being and increase of the wealth of this country. I beg to assure the Prime Minister that if they step forward toward that goal they will find, as I declared a few minutes ago, the social credit group one hundred per cent solidly behind them in all their battles for this end.

Mr. RENE-ANTOINE PELLETIER (Peace River) (Translation): Mr. Speaker, I deem it my duty to begin the few remarks which I desire to express this evening in my mother tongue, in order to assert the rights of the race from which I have sprung and in which I take much pride. It, moreover, affords me pleasure to note that the youngest member on the government side-who so eloquently seconded the address in reply to the speech from the throne-also belongs to this same race. As numerous French Canadians reside in the constituency which I represent, I equally thought it proper, out of courtesy to them, that my first words in this house should be expressed in the French language.

Being the youngest member of this house, I have been all ears since I have come here, and you may be sure I have taken in everything that has been going on.

Topic:   T 2739-6
Full View Permalink